|
A united effort
Liu Mingli
THE U.S. financial crisis
spread to Europe in late September, leading many financial institutions
to the edge of bankruptcy. Consequently, European Union (EU) countries
held a series of meetings to consider how to respond. Now the most
pressing challenge for the EU is surviving the financial crisis. The
impact of the U.S. financial crisis on Europe has been slow but
destructive. In mid-September, the U.S. subprime mortgage crisis that
began in 2007 progressed into a full-blown financial crisis, sending the
American economy into a tailspin.
On September 20, the U.S. Government submitted a $700 billion rescue
plan to Congress, triggering furious discussions over its proposals and
another sharp drop in the stock market when Congress initially rejected
it. Even though President George W. Bush signed a revised version of the
plan into law on October 3, the financial crisis has cast a dark cloud
over the U.S. economy.
While the United States was sweating over its financial future, its
European allies displayed coolness, even schadenfreude. German
Chancellor Angela Merkel claimed the U.S. financial crisis and the
resulting global financial turbulence had limited impact on Germany, and
described as “bearable” the losses suffered by the German financial
sector after U.S. investment bank Lehman Brothers went bankrupt. German
Finance Minister Peer Steinbrueck also said that although the United
States was experiencing its worst financial crisis in decades, it would
not likely trigger a domino effect in Europe-especially not in Germany,
its largest economy. Meanwhile, French Finance Minister Christine
Lagarde said the crisis would have limited impact on the French
financial sector. This excessive optimism prevented European countries
from taking early action against potential financial turmoil at home.
The crisis reached Europe in late September, felling large financial
institutions like the British bank Bradford & Bingley, the
Belgian-French Dexia Group, and Fortis, the Dutch-Belgian financial
services company. Attracted by the prosperous U.S. real estate market
and vigorous financial trading in recent years, these institutions had
purchased a large amount of “poisoned” securities backed by bad
mortgages. The U.S. financial crisis caused them huge losses and they
now face serious financial problems. According to an October 13 Wall
Street Journal report, the 30 largest European financial institutions
hold over 1 trillion euros in debt that will mature by the end of next
year, putting their solvency at risk.
Infected by the financial crisis, Europe is watching its real economy
tumble as well. According to Eurostat, the Eurozone’s GDP in the second
quarter saw negative growth compared to the first quarter. The financial
crisis will intensify the credit crunch, depressing production as well
as individual consumption. The global economic slowdown will harm
European exports as well. In September, Eurozone economic confidence hit
a seven-year low as officials reported the unemployment rate had
increased to 7.5 percent. The EU and its members are scaling back their
growth projections, while the largest European countries face the
increasing possibility of recession.
EU bailout plan
Because European leaders misjudged the U.S. financial crisis in the
beginning, they were caught unprepared when it arrived on their
doorstep. The EU’s bailout process can thus be divided into two stages.
During the first stage, EU members addressed the crisis on their own.
Since late September, EU countries have taken various economic measures
depending on their individual situations. For example, Belgium, Holland
and Luxemburg announced on September 28 that they would spend $6.8
billion, $5.9 billion and $3.7 billion, respectively, to hold 49 percent
shares of Fortis divisions in each of their countries. Meanwhile, the
British Government partially nationalized Bradford & Bingley.
Ultimately, however, as a regional organization whose members have close
financial and economic ties, the EU relies on teamwork. On October 4,
Merkel, Nicolas Sarkozy, Gordon Brown and Silvio Berlusconi, along with
European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso, European Central Bank
President Jean-Claude Trichet and Eurogroup President Jean-Claude
Juncker, held an emergency summit in Paris, hoping to combat the
financial crisis together. Before the summit, Sarkozy proposed a plan to
set up a 300 billion euro ($415 billion) fund to help troubled European
financial institutions. The summit ended with an agreement on several
shared principles instead of any concrete bailout measures, and
Sarkozy’s plan was vetoed by Britain and Germany.
Far from coordinating their efforts, EU members clashed with each other
over their bailout strategies. For example, Ireland was the first EU
member state to guarantee national bank deposits, which drew protests
from British bankers as customers moved their savings to Irish banks.
Finland criticized the Paris summit for excluding smaller countries.
During the first stage of the crisis, the EU was in a state of disunity
as stock markets kept falling and the situation grew worse. Now,
however, EU members have realized the importance of coordinated action.
The second stage is a joint bailout process. The turning point came on
October 15, when leaders from all 27 EU member states gathered in
Brussels for a two-day summit. Brown, whose country has not yet joined
the Eurozone, also participated in the summit together with Barroso. The
leaders agreed on a plan to stabilize financial markets by purchasing
stock in financial institutions and providing temporary finance
guarantees. On October 16, Germany, France and Britain issued their
massive bailout plans, valued at 500 billion euros (about $637.7
billion), 360 billion euros (about $459 billion) and 500 billion pounds
(about $808 billion), respectively. By October 20, all the bailout plans
of the EU and its member states totaled as much as 2 trillion euros
(about $2.65 trillion), marking the biggest bailout action in European
history.
The EU also planned to establish an informal early warning system to
boost communication among its members and monitor financial sectors. In
addition, the EU decided to change accounting rules so banks are less
exposed to sudden declines in the value of their assets.
Now the EU is focused on reforming the international financial system to
avoid another crisis in the future. European leaders said the global
financial crisis stems from a broken international financial system and
called for a complete overhaul. Sarkozy and Barroso also paid a special
visit to Washington to lobby Bush for a global summit on financial
reform, which will be held in mid November.
Where to go from here
The joint bailout demonstrates EU members’ commitment to fighting the
crisis, contributing to a rebound in investor confidence. But recent
fluctuations in European stock markets hint that investors are still
unsure about the plan’s implementation and effects.
Judging by U.S. stock market activity since Congress approved the
bailout, it is quite possible that the European financial crisis will
not ease up any time soon and may even get worse. Because EU countries
have different laws and accounting practices, transparency in financial
markets also varies. Some financial institutions may have yet to fully
reveal their losses. Moreover, as the U.S. financial crisis spreads
worldwide, its impact on Europe may not be over.
Although the EU’s bailout action is a strong effort to stabilize
financial markets, it contains risks as well. In 2001, when the dot-com
bubble burst, the U.S. Government issued long-term, low-interest loans
to stimulate the economy. That policy in turn created a housing bubble
that led directly to the current financial crisis. Therefore, Europe
needs to be alert to the negative effects the bailout might have on
future economic stability.
It is still hard to say when Europe will emerge from the financial
crisis, but it is certain that the financial crisis will lead to a
credit crunch, economic slowdown and possible recession, which are all
bad for the world economy. The EU is China’s top trading partner and its
economic slowdown will put pressure on China’s export enterprises, which
underlines two faults in the Chinese economy: insufficient domestic
demand and over reliance on the world market.
—The Daily
Mail-Beijing Review Articles Exchange Item
Burning anger, smouldering silence
Ayaz Amir
THE Predator strike on a Bannu village marks a first: the first missile
strike outside FATA (the acronym to describe the seven tribal
agencies—-now the scene of the mayhem the United States and its
blundering ways are visiting upon Pakistan).
Predator drones we foolishly supposed would not venture outside the
tribal belt. Our American friends have surprised us once again, drawing
another circle of riotous laughter around the streaming banner of our
constantly-embattled sovereignty. We will of course protest and say this
is unacceptable. The Prime Minister — poor, helpless, likeable Yousaf
Raza Gilani — will go into another paroxysm of high-flying indignation.
But nothing will change and our American friends will not be deterred
because they know what feigned Pakistani indignation is worth.
The Washington Post was not far wrong. It touched a raw nerve when it
suggested that a ‘tacit’ understanding had been reached between
Washington and Islamabad whereby America could launch what missile
strikes it wanted in the tribal borderlands while Pakistan was free to
rail and beat its chest, which is what Pakistan is doing. Indeed, in
defence of American interests we are proving to be amongst the world’s
most accomplished liars, every day our government issuing denials which
no one believes. Our responses can also be comical. Because from
President Asif Ali Zardari to Prime Minister Gilani the pious hope is
embraced that these missile strikes, violations of our precious
sovereignty, will hopefully cease when Barack Obama enters office. Such
investment in unmerited hope can have few parallels.
The Americans can pat themselves on the back for the change they have
helped engineer in Pakistan: replacing a yes-man — Pervez Musharraf —
who had outlived his utility and had become a liability with a fresh
yes-man — President Zardari — who is all too keen to do America’s
bidding and prove his usefulness to his American benefactors, who helped
his rise to power.
Musharraf had no popular backing and his creation, the Q League, was an
artificial construct, a king’s party shored up by government help and
patronage. Zardari heads a popular party and indeed, on present
reckoning, the country’s biggest party, the PPP. The rank-and-file of
the PPP certainly don’t want to toe any American line.
If they were to be true to their culture they would shout that any
friend of America’s is a traitor. But the PPP leadership in the person
of Mr Zardari is sold on proving its usefulness to America. Which is a
strange role for the party of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto: playing Uncle Tom to
America’s master. But with an NRO-whitewashed leadership what could we
have expected?
I am sure Musharraf’s biggest regrets are (1) trying to get rid of Chief
Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry and (2) granting a blanket pardon to Zardari.
The move against Chaudry triggered the lawyers’ movement which fatally
weakened Musharraf. Zardari is wrong to downplay the significance of
that movement. Without it Musharraf would have been under little
compulsion to reach out to Benazir Bhutto and bring Zardari in from the
cold.
Without the NRO whitewash — the biggest dry-cleaning operation in
Pakistan’s history — Zardari would not be where he is today: lord of the
Presidency and, by virtue of commanding a popular party, more powerful
than Musharraf in his tinselly uniform.
But Zardari’s gain has been Pakistan’s tragedy. Musharraf put the army,
which was all that he had at his disposal, at the service of American
interests. He did not rule the hearts and minds of anyone save those
dejected remnants of the Q League who still pine for his restoration.
Zardari has more going for him: a popular party and the stamp of public
approval. He is after all an elected president, the army’s ‘crack’ 111
Brigade —that great instrument of constitutional arbitration, its
interpretation of the Constitution sounder than the Supreme Court’s —
having had nothing to do with his elevation. All these gifts Zardari has
put at the service of the United States.
Musharraf can cry his heart out. He was never this effective. He was
good enough for 2001; without his uniform not good enough for 2008. In
any event, he was Bush’s boy. Bush has passed from history. The USA of
Obama requires a new Uncle Tom, with democratic plating, the role into
which President Zardari is growing. As the Iraq war is downgraded and
the focus shifts to Afghanistan, as Obama has promised to do, more will
be required from Pakistan. Zardari, on prevailing evidence, is not
likely to disappoint.
What a host of ironies the February elections threw up. The people of
Pakistan, chumps as ever, thought they were knocking at the gates of a
new redemption. Little could they have realised that they were merely
tinkering with the old and giving it a new facelift. The people of
Pakistan haven’t been betrayed. That would be to put too apocalyptic a
meaning on current events. They have merely been used to lend the
semblance of popular backing to an unpopular cause.
Pakistan’s democracy is now hitched to America’s war chariot which is
not quite what the people of Pakistan were expecting when they marched
to the polling booths on Feb 18.
The army, lest we forget, is a willing accomplice of these developments.
It is not averse to the task of performing sentry duty for America and
fighting its war. Indeed, under its new command, it has brought to this
task a new zest. Musharraf never carried out such sustained operations
as in Bajaur. He did not use F-16s in FATA.
He carried out American orders but only up to a point. That is why our
American friends had begun to nurse grievances against him.
That is also why there was no end to the refrain “do more”. Now we hear
less of this refrain because the army under Gen. Ashfaq Pervaz Kayani,
Allah be praised, is doing more and the Americans don’t know how to hide
their satisfaction.
Up to a point Musharraf knew how to play the Americans. The new combo we
have, Zardari and Kayani, is not playing the Americans. They are playing
the Pakistani people by leading a loud chorus about sovereignty when in
fact Pakistani sovereignty, or what remains of it, lies fatally
compromised because of Pakistan’s servitude to American interests. There
is no winning this war. The Americans eventually will get out. Invaders
throughout history have not stayed in Afghanistan for long. We will be
left holding the dishes as we did in 1988 when the Americans lost
interest in Afghanistan after the Geneva Accords. Why are we so adamant
about not learning from history?
Kayani has rehabilitated the army’s image to a certain extent but not to
change direction in FATA, only to fight America’s war better. Of what
use such rehabilitation? But the sorry thing is that where there should
be an anti-war movement there is none. Ordinary Pakistanis feel dismayed
but there is no one to give voice to their discontent. Parliament is not
the tribune it should be. From the MQM to the ANP to the Q League, every
party is marching to the tune being played by the Presidency and General
Headquarters and composed by the US. The PML-N is betwixt and between,
not happy with the way things are turning out but not shedding its
reservations and not adopting a clear-cut or loud enough stand.
A counter-voice is thus missing. Those trying to speak out against the
threat that this war represents are too small or weak to have an impact.
So, this is turning out to be a land of the speechless, a land in pain
but because of some conspiracy of the stars or of history (I can think
of no other explanation) unable to give voice to its misgivings. The
resulting void is being filled by the cult of the suicide bomber. Has
Pakistan nothing better to offer?
—Khaleej Times
The Washington meeting
Fidel Castro Ruz
ACCORDING to recent
statements, some supportive governments do not cease to say they want to
facilitate transition in Cuba. What kind of transition? Transition to
capitalism, the only system they have absolute faith in. They do not say
a word about the merits of our people, which for almost half a century
of harsh economic sanctions and aggressions, has defended a
revolutionary cause that together with its morale and patriotism, has
given it the strength to put up a resistance. They seem to forget that
after laying down lives and making sacrifices in defense of sovereignty
and justice, Cuba cannot be expected to end up on the side of
capitalism. They ingratiate themselves with the United States hoping
that it will help them face their own economic problems injecting huge
amounts of paper money to their shaky economies which maintain unequal
and abusive terms of trade with the emerging nations.
This is the only way they can ensure the multimillion profits of Wall
Street and the US banks. The non renewable natural resources of the
planet and its ecology are not even mentioned. There is no claim for the
end of the arms race and the banning of the potential and probable use
of weapons of mass destruction. None of the participants in the conclave
hurriedly convened by the sitting President of the United States has
said a word about the absence of over 150 nations facing the same
problems or even worse. These will not have the right to speak on the
international financial order as the pro tempore President of the UN
General Assembly Miguel D’Escoto had proposed, even when they include
most of the countries from Latin America, the Caribbean, Africa, Asia
and Oceania. The G-20 meeting will open in Washington tomorrow. Bush is
delighted. He has stated that a new international financial order will
result from the meeting and that the institutions set up at Bretton
Woods should be more transparent, accountable and effective. It’s as
much as he would admit. Referring to Cuba’s prosperity in the past, he
said that it had once been full of sugarcane fields. By the way, he
failed to mention that it was manually cut and that, for over half a
century, the empire has deprived us from our quota. Also that this
action was taken when the word socialism had yet to be spoken in our
country, although we had certainly proclaimed: Homeland or Death!
Many seem to dream that after a simple change of leadership in the
empire, this would be more tolerant and less hostile. Apparently,
contempt for the incumbent ruler makes some entertain illusions about a
probable change in the system. The innermost ideas of the citizen who
will take over the issue are yet unknown. It would be extremely naïve to
believe that the good will of a smart person could change what is the
result of centuries of selfishness and vested interests. Let’s watch
attentively what everyone says in that major financial conclave. There
will be plenty of news. We shall all be a bit better informed.
|