|
Mainstreaming the Baloch
PRIME MINISTER Yousuf Raza Gilani’s pledge to set up what he called a
truth and reconciliation commission to alleviate the sufferings of the
people of Balochistan is some of the first few things the new
dispensation should decide to do immediately. Not only that simmering
discontent in the largest province tends to soil Pakistan’s image abroad
- a case in point is the recent protest in front of the 10 Downing
Street against “forcible and illegal annexation of Balochistan” - it is
a great human tragedy replete with countless cases of state-sponsored
violence, forced disappearances and dispossession of people of their
natural wealth that should end. According to Chief Minister-elect Nawab
Aslam Raisani’s information, about 900 persons picked up by the agencies
over the last four years remain untraced. Many others, including former
chief minister and BNP leader Sardar Akhtar Mengal and Dr Safdar Sarki
are being held in violation of due process of law. Then there is the
long unheeded cry from the people of Balochistan that they are being
deprived of their due share in the exploitation of their natural
resources. Such has been the severity of state-sponsored oppression let
loose on them, particularly since the murder of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti,
that a feeling of guilty-conscience overtook the civilian part of the
Musharraf-led regime who tried to rectify the situation. But that was of
no avail, as the President blew off his palm the Senate sub-committee
report on Balochistan as inconsequential. However, the opposition of the
day had not lost its heart. And it was Asif Zardari’s unconditional
apology to the people of Balochistan over the wrongs done to them that
has set the stage for action for an extensive review of the entire range
of the Centre’s policies towards Balochistan. That Nawab Raisani visited
the ailing Mengal in hospital and promised to set free all political
detainees and Prime Minister Gilani pledged to set up a truth and
reconciliation commission to secure justice for the Baloch is aptly
reflective of the growing realisation that a part of our own people have
been treated rather mindlessly far too long, and this should not happen
anymore.
Of course, the provincial government led by Nawab Raisani would do its
part in building bridges with the wronged Baloch leadership, but major
revamping has to be undertaken by the federal government in order to
rehabilitate the confidence of the people of Balochistan in the
viability of federalism. That action needs to be taken at three separate
planes. First, the protection of the rights of the province of
Balochistan as a unit of the federation has to be re-defined, reasserted
and secured. Gilani’s promise to abolish the Concurrent List is a highly
welcome move but its timeframe should be shortened from one year that he
proposed to a month or so. In fact, a lot of work on this contentious
issue has been already done, including reports submitted to the
government by the sub-committees of the Senate headed by Wasim Sajjad
and Mushahid Hussain Syed. The scope of this exercise may be expanded to
prepare a new list of provincial legislative powers, as proposed by
Senator Sanaullah Baloch. Secondly, the natural wealth of Balochistan
should be spent essentially on ameliorating the lot of the people of the
province by increasing their share in its ownership, revising upward the
market prices of its products, particularly oil and gas well-head price
structure; and by gearing up their exploration and exploitation so that
their natural resources are not priced out by new technological products
invented in the meanwhile.
Road map to nowhere
THE Middle East Road Map is
still leading nowhere. Four months after Annapolis, Palestinian and
Israeli negotiators have yet to find any way forward. US Secretary of
State Condoleezza Rice has just completed her second visit in less than
a month, urging both sides on. The only tangible achievement of her
latest visit is an agreement by the Israelis to dismantle 50 roadblocks
in the occupied West Bank. But viewed more closely, this amounts to
little. There remain some five hundred others, including the main
checkpoints, whose cumbersome processing of Palestinians on occasions
produces long queues lasting hours. But far worse than this, Rice’s
visit coincided with the confirmation by Israeli Prime Minister Ehud
Olmert that his government has given the go ahead for almost a thousand
new settlement homes in East Jerusalem. Three thousand further illegal
homes are in the pipeline. A key condition the Bush administration
extracted from the Israelis at Annapolis last November was that there
would be a freeze on further settlement building. Yet no sooner had the
Israeli delegation returned home than the expansion program was given
the green light to continue. The Israelis argue that new settlements in
East Jerusalem are merely filling in existing developments, and in any
event they have no intention of giving up East Jerusalem to be the
capital of an independent Palestinian state, as the Palestinians wish
and Arab states demand. According to a government spokesman said
yesterday “Jerusalem is indivisible”.
Jerusalem and the wider issue of illegal settlements constitute one of
the many pressure points the Israelis have created to push on hard
whenever they wish to goad the Palestinians into angry protest, which
the Israelis can then represent to the outside world as unreasonable,
even aggressive behavior. If the Palestinian Authority walks out of
talks, as they did once already, objecting to the continuing settlement
program, the Israelis turn innocently and ask how they can negotiate
with someone who isn’t there. Maybe in the twilight of his presidency,
George W. Bush is realizing the degree to which the Israelis have played
his administration for a sucker. His commitment to driving through a
peace deal is no doubt real but his Israeli allies have backed him into
a corner. He failed to appreciate the significance of the Hamas
electoral victory. As a consequence he bought the Israeli line that
Hamas were terrorists who should be isolated from the political process.
Thus he propelled the Palestinians into civil conflict and division.
Even now as Rice urges on the Palestinian Authority to compromise, she
knows that he can currently speak for only part of his country.
Supposing a breakthrough deal were cut tomorrow, it would still have to
be sold to Hamas. It is the Americans who are being made to look weak
and foolish in this process. And this has not been done by the
Palestinians, but by America’s still-treasured allies, the Israelis.
Will Bush ever wake up?
—Arab News
|