Lhasa is recovering from the riot
Wu Qi

IF ALL had gone as planned, Mei Yan would have been sleeping peacefully in her comfortable home, greeting the arrival of a new life.
But, her rosy dream was shattered when a fire that destroyed her house on March 14th in Lhasa on the China’s Tibet Plateau. The fire wasn’t a naturally occurring one. It was ignited by mobsters.
Lying restlessly in an ordinary room at the Rescue Station of Lhasa, Mei Yan remained fearful. “My child is to come into the world soon, but I have no idea where we will go,” said Mei Yan sadly, stroking her belly.
The mother-to-be, who came from neighboring Gansu Province a year ago with her husband to run a small restaurant near the mosque of the old town area , recalled how her house was burned down.
About 2 p.m that day, Mei Yan was helping her parents serve customers. All of a sudden, a hue and cry erupted outside. Her brother Dawuda dashed in yelling “shut the door, there’s a riot.”
Mei Yan rushed to slam the door. The family went to the second floor of the restaurant, where they lived. Outside the window, they saw a bunch of 20-something Tibetans hurling stones at shops along the street. The mobs soon tried to open the iron rolling door of Mei Yan’s restaurant. When they failed, they threw bottles of gasoline through windows to burn the restaurant.
“I shook in my shoes and dared not utter a sound,” said Mei Yan. “I heard the restaurant burning downstairs and the smoke almost suffocate us.”
Fortunately, the police showed up shortly. “We got away whole and sound, but the restaurant is gone.”
Mei Yan and her family are among thousands of Lhasa residents whose lives were threatened by the violence which was created by “a small number of rioters,” said Doji Cezhug, the mayor of Lhasa,
The mobs swarmed the commercial streets of Bargor, Linkuo, Sera and the Ngaqen Road, Second Ring Road and Beijing Middle Road in downtown Lhasa to smash, stone, loot and set fire.
In the riot, 18 innocent civilians were burned or stabbed to death, and 382 injured according to the Tibet Autonomous Region government.
Damage has increased to more than 200 million yuan (about 28 million U.S. dollars), according to the Tibetan regional government. The violence damaged 422 shops, six hospitals, seven schools and 120 homes, and 84 vehicles were torched.
“The riot in Lhasa is neither a social security problem, nor an ethnic problem,” said Ragdi, former vice-chairman of the National People’s Congress Standing Committee, China’s parliament.
“The riot was maliciously incited into bloody violence on purpose to pressure the Chinese government [and] undermine the upcoming Beijing Olympics,” he said.
The 3.14 riot was preceded by the incidents occurred on March 10, when more than 300 monks from Zhaibung Monastery made their way to downtown Lhasa and confronted security forces. It the anniversary of an earlier event on March 10, 1959, when there was a failed rebellion by Tibetan secessionists.
At Sera Monastery, 10 monks held up flags of the so-called Tibetan exile government, shouting “Tibetan independence”. In the ensuing days, some monks chanted independence slogans and challenged officers who were maintaining order.
On the same day, more groups of monks started a “March to Tibet” from across the border in India.
The Dalai clique maintained real-time contacts, sources say, through varied channels with the rioters in Lhasa, and dictated instructions to his devotees and coordinated their moves.
Rioters came with backpacks full of stones and flammable liquids. They were well-organized and not spontaneous, as the Dalai clique claimed.
According to Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Qin Gang, the Dalai Lama always wrongly claims that Tibet is a nation occupied by China, denying the fact that the region has historically been a part of China.
The lawbreakers, killing innocent people and disturbing social order, aroused strong condemnation from people of all ethnic groups in Tibet.
“Religion advocates care and mercy, but the reckless rioters attacked hospitals and child-entertainment centers,” said Cering Doje, deputy director of the religion research institute of the Tibetan Academy of Social Sciences (TASS). “They seemed to have lost basic humanity, and there was no mercy at all.”
The 11th Panchen Lama, Gyaincain Norbu, said on Sunday that the violence in Lhasa ran counter to Buddhist tenets.
Ngawang Daindzin, a living Buddha, said that “the rioters who wore cassocks were no real monks at all. What they did is completely against Buddhist codes.”
“In Tibet, development is the priority of all work and maintaining a stable society is our responsibility. I hold that stability comes first,” said Ragdi.
As the riot burst out last Friday, the regional government immediately organized task forces to put out the fires and rescue the injured and strengthened protection of hospitals, schools, banks and government offices.
“Throughout the process, security forces did not carry or use any destructive weapons, but tear gas and water cannons were employed,” said Qiangba Puncog, chairman of the Tibet Autonomous Regional Government. Reportedly, 61 police were injured, six seriously.
Tibetan law enforcement authorities issued a notice last Saturday, urging lawbreakers in the Friday riot to stop criminal activities and offering leniency to those who surrendered. The Tibet regional government said that 170 people had surrendered to police by 10 p.m. on Wednesday.
Doje Cering, a 25-year-old villager, stoned a red sedan and a white van. He said he was drunk at home that day when he heard someone shouting “get out, or we will burn down your house.” Then he just blindly followed them.
Gyaincain, 53, said he came out when he heard people shouting “all people out, or be burned by fire.” He said: “I just followed them. I was very disturbed by what I did. My family has persuaded me to turn myself in to the police,” he said.
“These people will not go unpunished by law in any country,” said Qiangba, chairman of the Tibet Autonomous Regional Government. “For those who committed minor offenses and showed repentance, we will educate them; for those who initiated and committed serious crimes in the riot, they will be sternly punished in accordance with the law.”
The government’s measures have borne fruit. As of Monday, traffic on the main Lhasa streets had resumed. Government bodies, businesses, schools and major farm produce markets are operating normally, said Doje Cezhug, the mayor of Lhasa.
Local residents, who remained at home for two days, started to come out and get some fresh air in parks and streets.
After shutting the door for three days, a shopowner surnamed Xie re-opened his spacious hair salon on North Duosenge Road on Tuesday. “It is too boring to hide for days on end. I also have to make money to maintain the salon. It is a pity we have too few customers today,” said Xie.
Not far from Xie’s salon, three lads were unloading milk from a truck to re-stock the Sifang Supermarket, a place frequented by local housewives.
To the side of the supermarket gate, a peddler surnamed Li hawked a pedicab of withered bananas at half-price. “I stocked these bananas last week. I used to sell bananas for eight yuan per kilogram. Now I have to clear them as I was stranded at home these past few days.”
At the Sifang, Hongyan and Baiyi supermarkets in downtown Lhasa, residents took their time buying fruit, vegetables, oils and other daily necessities, showing no signs of panic buying.
“No one seems to have come here to stock up,” said Li Yan, administration manager of Baiyi supermarket, which resumed operations on Monday. “Customers and sales are a little under our average level.”
Despite the fright and losses, damaged businesses have largely set out to rebuild.
“I have been in Tibet for 25 years, and Lhasa has become my second home,” said Jia Fuqing, a business coming from east China’s Zhejiang Province. Jia has sold children’s clothing and toys in Lhasa for 23 years. Step by step, he has expanded his business into a four-story kids’ supermarket, known as the Blue Shield, at the North Duosengge Road. His market was burned last Friday. Garments and shoes were destroyed by fire on the first and second floors; goods on the third and fourth floors were damaged beyond use by smoke.
“I have lost about eight million yuan from ruined goods and the expenses to rebuild the supermarket,” said Jia, counting on his fingers. “Anyway, I will not leave my second home; I believe in the government.” Tuesday morning, Jia bought six sets of roller doors and had them installed.
“My whole family is living in Lhasa. My child was born and raised here. I will continue business here. I do not have much money on hand to rebuild my market, but I will re-open it even if to borrow money,” said Jia.

Suicide bombing: Fatwa
Sadaf Yunus

A SEMINAR on ‘Radicalization, Counter radicalization and De-radicalization’ was held in Saudi Arabia from 25th to 28th February 2008. It was in anticipation on the effort of ‘war against terrorism’. A Fatwa was put forward on the grounds that if suicide attacks were termed as ‘haraam’, then this would help in controlling the situation of suicide bombings especially in Pakistan. The Fatwa was put forth by the Grand Mufti of Saudi Arabia. The Fatwa points out to the seriousness of the issue of Jihad, and stress the important fact that Islamic Shariah takes matters of momentous undertaking such as Jihad with utmost gravity. Therefore, true Jihad has numerous requisites and conditions that have all to be satisfied before declaring Jihad. Individuals or groups who violate these conditions are not tolerated within the Islamic Ummah. It is also emphasized that the one and only competent authority that has the power or jurisdiction to declare Jihad is the ruler of the nation.
The Mufti stated that the youths seeking Jihad are both enthusiastic and zealous for their religion, have not attained the requisite knowledge by which they can distinguish between right and wrong. This fact is the main reason for which certain suspicious parties were able to deceive and implicate them in their schemes and plans, making them a tool in the hands of external entities, duping them in the name of Jihad. Through these imprudent youths, these mischievous parties seek to realize their misguided goals and carry out their aims by implicating them in heinous acts; acts which have no association with Islamic religion whatsoever. Our youth have become a commodity bought and sold by different groups east and west, used for goals and objectives to the extent of causing damage to Islam. It has been found that young people who went out to what they supposed as ‘Jihad’ had disobeyed their ruler. A ruling that was upheld by all authorized scholars. This forbidden act is counted as a great Islamic sin. The Prophet (peace be upon him) said: “whoever breaks the pledge of obedience (to the ruler), he meets Allah on the day of Judgment without any pretext for him and whoever dies without vowing his allegiance, dies the death of a person before Islam”. The youth who engage themselves in such acts have become an easy prey for those seeking to spread disorder and mischief, and are transformed into mobile booby-traps ready and willing to kill themselves for the sole purpose of political or military gain for unknown and suspicious parties.
Currently, the threat level of suicide attacks is severe, which means that attacks are highly likely. The threat is real. The threat is live. But we must keep it firmly in perspective. It comes from a very small minority of people – and the great majority who share common values and principles, of course find the murder of innocent people abhorrent. Suicide attacks are an act of terrorism. Terrorism is a crime. It threatens the safety and security of all communities, irrespective of politics, religion or ethnic background. Muslims from across the world have pointed out repeatedly that there is nothing Islamic about plotting murder, pain and grief. The purpose of such acts is to dictate the way we think and act, both as individuals and as a government. But its weakness is, that, as a tactic the way we respond actually determines the impact that it will have. Whether suicide bombers ultimately succeed or not is up to us, and not up to them. We should not forget that we operate from a position of strength. Our response to preventing such acts could therefore preserve both our security and the values on which our society depends. We need to ensure that the security forces and agencies have the powers they need to deal with such threats. Countering terrorism and violent extremism is one of the most important and urgent priorities for the security system. An effective response to such activities can never solely depend on the state and law enforcement. It also depends on us – on the active commitment of individuals and communities to certain rights and responsibilities, to shared values which apply irrespective of religion or culture. These rights include the right to life and liberty. The right to freedom of speech and expression and the freedom of religion. The right to live our lives as we wish subject only to our law.
We must take action against those who promote such heinous acts. There should be willingness to take action in order to stop the grooming of vulnerable youth exposed to such extremist influences. Our strategy should also include ways to directly intervene with individuals who seem vulnerable. Muslim communities have been more at risk from propagandists of violent extremism than anyone else. So there is a particular and compelling role for Muslim organizations, institutions and civic society to challenge what has been described as un-Islamic activity. To succeed against suicide bombings, we must depend not only on the government but also on the strength from within ourselves. Not on authoritarianism, but on the authority that derives from shared values, shared rights and shared responsibilities.






Pakistan in interesting times
Aijaz Zaka Syed

MAY you live in interesting times! A Pakistani colleague often revisits this ancient Chinese curse when discussing the state of affairs in his country. Given the eventful history of Pakistan right from its birth in 1947, you would think the Chinese curse is at the very core of the land of the pure. And the never-say-die people of Pakistan, many of whom happen to be close friends of mine, have developed an amazing resilience living from crisis to crisis; from one military tyrant to another, from one corrupt politician to another and from one bout of instability to the next. And just as it’s true of my own country next door, there’s never a dull moment in Pakistani politics. The country does live in interesting times.
Remarkably, the people of Pakistan have endured all this without ever giving up on their hopes and optimism about a better tomorrow and a better country — as envisioned by its architects. Just look at the watershed developments this past week. Who could have ever thought that Benazir Bhutto’s Peoples Party and Nawaz Sharif’s Muslim League would come together to form the country’s first, largely democratic coalition government? Benazir and Sharif, both former prime ministers, were more than bitter rivals; they were once sworn enemies. But after the cataclysmic events of the past few months, especially after the tragic assassination of Benazir, it seems anything is possible. This is what the people, weary of the long military rule as well as the corrupt misrule of elected politicians, expected from their leaders.
The Pakistanis would not have forgiven any more self-serving, petty games on the part of their politicians at a time when their country is going through one of the most challenging existential crises in its history. Whatever their past, Sharif, the former PM who returned home only recently after a decade in exile, and Benazir’s widower Zardari deserve kudos for rightly gauging the popular mood and responding to it in the best possible manner. Another critical message that the coalition partners have got it right is that the people are not prepared to accept any more headstrong tyrants and spineless puppets. They want Pakistan, plagued by a myriad problems created by its own leaders and friends who are not so friendly, to break free from the past and make a fresh start. They want the leaders who are accountable to them, the people who have chosen them, not to some distant masters in Washington and London. One can’t be too sure how long this coalition of the PPP, Muslim League and other smaller parties will survive and how it’s going to shape in the months and years to come. But early signs look promising.
And given the remarkable success of coalition experience in neighbouring India, Pakistan’s twin and the world’s biggest democracy, there are reasons to be optimistic about this new era in Pakistani politics. Ultimately, what people want is good and clean governance; a government that works and delivers on its promises. The electorate does not give two hoots if it’s a single party rule or a coalition government. What they do not want is yet another long night of misrule and abuse of power. Besides, a coalition government by its very nature ensures that parties in power keep their totalitarian tendencies that come so naturally to those in power in check. More important, a widely representative coalition enjoys greater popular support and mandate needed to take some really bold and path-breaking steps. Pakistan badly needs such forceful action to heave it out of the unholy mess that it finds itself in today.

—Khaleej Times