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Unnecessary delay in convening Parliament
AS if condescending to give which is not due, President Pervez Musharraf
says he would convene the National Assembly in a week and a half, as
there would be “no hurdles to it”, but then predicates completion of its
five-year tenure on good behaviour. “I promise if peace is maintained I
will fully support the new coalitions. All parties should demonstrate
prudence and focus on governance and this is possible only if all of
them demonstrate peace”, he said, addressing a public meeting in
Jacobabad on Friday. Paraphrased, he seems to be wanting the ongoing
perceptional mismatch between the PPP and PML (N) over issues like
restoration of sacked judges and cabinet formation, to accentuate
undermining of their resolve to form a united front on the one hand and
on the other to project his power, and will, to use 58 2(b). At the same
function, the President also ridiculed proponents who see the army
‘distancing’ itself from him. That is what shows his comeback after
lying low for a while. Expectedly, the opposition that had so thoroughly
defeated his protégés in the recent elections, smelt a rat in his latest
pronouncement. Even his own men like Wasim Sajjad find no reason for not
calling the National Assembly into session, election results having been
notified. Citing the inordinate delay that Benazir Bhutto encountered in
reaching the parliament house after her first elections in 1988,
political pundits say the establishment may be needing more time to
reduce Asif Ali Zardari’s dependence on Nawaz Sharif in forming a
coalition government. It bears repetition to say that the electoral
verdict has gone against all that President Musharraf stands for - be it
his ‘achievements’ in terms of economic development or foreign policy
objectives or his politics wherein he nurtured a King’s Party. The
people rejected his vision and legacy by voting against his protégés who
were supposed to be working as his foot soldiers. And, since the
elections the armed forces too have made abundantly clear that they
would support the democratic process set in motion by the February 18
polls.
Forsaken amidst a political wilderness, he has anted up the threat of
using his ultimate weapon, that is, 58 2(b) against a democratic
dispensation should he find it working at cross purposes. Rightly then
it would be the new government’s top priority to get rid of the infamous
constitutional provision that puts a democratically elected government
at the mercy an individual whose very position - elected as Pervez
Musharraf is curtsey a disputed election - remains surrounded by a
lingering controversy and who openly works to subvert the electoral
verdict. Given that he sent packing an independent chief justice along
with three scores of brother judges, sensing that his powers might be
curtailed, what is the guarantee that he would allow a government of his
erstwhile political opponents to work smoothly? It is not only the
future of Article 58 2(b) that will come under sharp focus, the new
parliament would also be pitted against a few other basic issues,
including the fate of sacked judges. But an equally if not more crucial
issue that the new government will have to face would be fixing broad
parameters for the budget, an exercise never before undertaken under
such trying circumstances as of now. From a purely non-political
financial perspective, huge challenges confront the national economy in
almost every important sector raging from increasing trade deficit to
declining production to higher energy costs. It would take time to bring
the economic activity back to the pre-March 9, 2007 level when the
judicial crisis burst on the scene but some consolation would be in
order if further loss of time and damage are stopped. Now that
parliamentary elections have taken place and it is also clear as to who
should be invited to form the government, even a day’s delay in
convening the parliament cannot be excused, let alone waiting another 10
days to two weeks, to quote the President, for ‘majority parties to form
a coalition government’.
Malaysia votes for change
IT IS indeed a “political
tsunami” in Malaysia. People who predicted a comfortable win for the
National Front, which has been ruling Malaysia since its independence,
in Saturday’s elections have to eat their words now. Prime Minister
Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s ruling coalition has suffered a major setback,
with the Front losing a huge slice of its majority in Parliament. This
is being considered the worst performance of the coalition to date.
Adding insult to injury, Mahathir Mohamad, who chose Badawi as his
successor, is among the Malaysian leaders who have called for Badawi’s
resignation. Mahathir, who ruled the country for a little more than two
decades, has said the Prime Minister should accept his full
responsibility for the poll debacle and for taking the United Malays
Organisation (UMNO) to the brink of a political disaster. The UMNO is
the largest group in the Front that also includes Indian and Chinese
parties.
Racial tensions, which have been simmering over the past few months, can
be counted as one of the principal reasons for the coalition receiving a
severe drubbing in the polls. Last November, Malaysia grabbed headlines
in the international media for the protests led by a few ethnic Indian
organisations that threatened to destabilise the multi-cultural and
multi-religious Malaysian society. The demonstrations laid bare the
fragile racial harmony in the country that boasts of one of the most
vibrant economies in Asia. Not many people liked the ham-fisted way in
which the protests were dealt with by the government. A significant
portion of ethnic Indians alleged that they had been suffering racial
discrimination at various levels as ethnic Malays, who contstitute about
60 per cent of the contry’s population, were apparently being given
preferential treatment. The Badawi government also raised hackles among
political or diplomatic circles when there were confusing reports on
Malaysia tightening visa policies for Indian migrant workers. In
addition to the racial issues, such factors as inflation also seem to
have contributed to the Front’s defeat in the general elections.
However, Badawi, who announced multi-billion dollar projects to tackle
rural poverty when he took over the reins of power five years ago, has
refused to step down. All in all, the poll results do show that people
in Malaysia have voted for a change. And, more importantly, it will be
incumbent on whoever is going to take charge of state affairs to address
the racial issues and boost the economy.
—Khaleej Times
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