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Racial discrimination
FINALLY the UN has taken note of increased post-9/11 incidents of racial
discrimination inside the US, something that the eastern media has been
voicing concern about for some time now. The report minced few words,
expressing deep concern about “increase in racial profiling against
Arabs, Muslims and South Asians in the wake of the 9/11 attacks”. Also,
as repeatedly pointed out by noted rights organisations like Human
Rights Watch, the UN has admitted that other minorities like black
Americans are also seriously sidelined in most parts of the country,
suffering discrimination across all sections of society. It is not
exactly rocket science that once pushed to the limit and accorded second
grade education, health and justice, the minorities are pushed into
collective reaction. The weak social net creates situations where crime
and violence thrives, inviting further trouble at the hands of the
authorities, making for a vicious circle without much hope for escape.
It is little surprise that most minority groups in America are
‘disproportionately concentrated’ in poor residential areas, extended
poor education and healthcare services, and account for the lowest
employment rates, while boasting the highest crime statistics.
The biggest point of concern is that both federal and state policies, as
correctly noted by the UN report, are increasingly choosing policies
that further such undesirable trends. It is no surprise that the
American establishment went into a strong reaction in the immediate
aftermath of 9/11. Such a stance was understandable initially since the
authorities went the extra mile to avoid a repetition of events that
could leave their country worse hit. However, as instances of ill
treatment of Muslims, specifically Arabs, increased and relevant offices
defended and continued such actions rather than condemn and stop them,
it became clear that sterner laws promulgated by the Bush administration
were being twisted into objectionable use. The reports contents, though
by no means strange, still make for concerning reading. For decades the
US has epitomised the ‘free world’, where all sorts of ethnicities and
nationalities are supposed to coexist, making for the ideal, most
diverse cosmopolitan environment on earth. That image now stands ruined
owing to extreme hardline views of a few but with the power to influence
many. Much has been rightly questioned about the Bush White House’s
manner of dealing with the international war against terrorism. It has
been a glaring failure on practically all fronts. Not only has America’s
military been embarrassed in Iraq and Afghanistan, its political image
has suffered internationally, and now its most striking feature, its
reputation as the home of freedom, is also all but dust. Perhaps there
is a lesson in this as Americans are close to choosing their new
president. Will they again go for one who advocates muscle over reason?
What’s best for Philippines
PEOPLE power has produced
spectacular results; none more so perhaps than when Romanian dictator
Nicolae Ceaucescu made his last public appearance and to his amazement,
instead of receiving the normal stage-managed cheers of adulation, was
booed and heckled, as his secret police lost control of the streets. He
fled in a helicopter but was captured and executed. The million-strong
people power demonstrations that drove Philippine’s dictator Ferdinand
Marcos from office and into exile in 1986 was another epic demonstration
of what a public fed up with a corrupt and inept regime can achieve.
Indeed, what the Filipinos achieved may well have inspired the mass
demonstrations in East Germany, Poland, Czechoslovakia and finally
Romania that brought about the collapse of state communism. There is,
however, a big difference between the experience of Eastern Europe and
the Philippines. While the countries of the former Soviet bloc have
settled down to democracy, the mass protest has become dangerously
embedded in Philippine politics. It was used a second time in 2001 to
bring half a million people onto the streets demanding the ouster of the
blatantly corrupt and woefully disappointing President Joseph Estrada.
Notable for the use of mobile phone text messages to spread news of the
protests, this massive demonstration of people power did indeed force
Estrada to go. Now public protest is being used a third time against his
then deputy and successor President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo who in the
last seven years has survived four attempted coups and three motions to
impeach her.
Arroyo stands accused at the least of covering up a payola scandal
involving her husband and senior aides and at worst of being involved
herself. She has used her executive powers to try and stop officials
from giving evidence to a commission of enquiry. Some who have
challenged her have been subjected to harassment, for instance by the
tax authorities. The aide who blew the whistle faces prosecution for
violating state confidentiality rules. All in all, it is not an edifying
spectacle nor unfortunately is it out of the ordinary for Philippine
politics, so deeply stained with a tradition of graft, made worse by a
consistent failure to drive through social and welfare reforms. Arroyo
seems determined to face down the popular protest and complete her term.
She doubtless takes comfort from the smaller numbers of people who have
been bothered to take to the streets yet again to protest. Her attitude
is, however, as wrong as is the idea that unpopular governments should
be driven from power by mass demonstrations. The best response in the
face of the current protest would be for the president to call a snap
election — which if run cleanly and fairly — would give Filipinos a
chance to consider who should best be leading them. For want of a better
alternative, that person might still be Arroyo. The problem with crowds
that topple governments is they leave a leadership vacuum that can be
filled by rogues. If Filipinos value democracy, they must use the ballot
box, not the streets to register their opinions.
—Arab News
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