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The retreat that is welcome
IT was long overdue but what finally clinched the decision by the army
high command to withdraw its personnel from cushy jobs in civilian
service was the appointment of a new army chief who rightly, and timely,
concluded that his force must be depoliticized to restore its
much-threatened reputation as a professional fighting machine. Over the
last several decades, but particularly during the Zia-ul-Haq and
Musharraf eras, the military dictators had doled out civilian positions
to their favourites. The practice became so rampant that it acquired
institutional sanction and over the time special quotas were fixed for
the military inductees in civil service. That helped many young
commissioned officers, thanks to their superior pedigree; enter into
Central Superior Services - at a huge cost of demoralising their new
colleagues who came through the Federal Public Service Commission. But
the rulers were not content with the quotas and would not hesitate in
sending their favourites on secondment to other civilian positions. As a
result, some 300 key civilian positions in the present government are
being manned by the serving military officers. Much of the Musharraf
dispensation’s political and administrative failures are correctly
blamed on these inductees, for each one of them being the ‘eyes and
ears’ of the President enjoyed unquestionable authority to play havoc
with the things under or around him. In a sense they are political
appointees like the ones who join the US Administration with every
change in the White House occupancy. Now that at the 106th Corps
Commanders’ conference on Thursday Army Chief General Kayani approved
‘de-induction’ of serving personnel hope has emerged that
back-to-barracks public call has been heard and is being honoured.
Equally significant is the new chief’s decision that the army would not
micro-manage the forthcoming elections. Late last month the ISPR had
stated that the task of conducting elections is the sole responsibility
of the Election Commission of Pakistan and the army would stay away from
the electoral process except for its duty under the Constitution to help
maintain law and order.
But if there was any confusion as to the role of the army in the
elections that should dissipate with the army high command reiterating
that the force would stay away from the elections and it is up to the
Election Commission to ensure the fairness and transparency of polls. Of
course, this is reiteration of the army chief’s earlier statement, but
some observers think that given the fear that the opposition parties
would reject ‘unfavourable’ results the army high command thought it
proper to de-link from the electoral exercise. Whatever be the reason
for army’s clearly heard stance that it has nothing to do with the
conduct of elections the message comes loud and clear that army would
like to jettison its political role in order to enhance its professional
reasonability of defending the country’s frontiers. His decision to
celebrate 2008 as the ‘Year of the Soldier’ also strongly suggests his
perception that frequent embroilment of the armed forces in political
matters has greatly damaged the image of the forces and that action to
redeem that image cannot be any further delayed. If these moves by the
army high command to retreat from the political arena have been welcomed
by the public it becomes incumbent upon the public, through its civilian
leaders, to make sure that the forces are not ‘invited’ to clean the
mess they create as elected leaders.
Flawed trial
WHITE House claims that the
military trials of the six Guantanamo detainees alleged to be behind the
9/11 will be “fair” and that justice will be done are specious nonsense.
This is a flawed trial in a flawed detention process driven by a deeply
flawed US administration that persists in folly, even when it is against
its own best interests. These men should be brought to trial within the
US mainland judicial process, not in some hole-in-the-corner military
tribunal at an offshore base. They should have always enjoyed the rights
of all accused, protected from torture and if they were indeed found
guilty of the monstrous crimes of which they are accused, duly punished.
Instead, they have been detained for up to six years in degrading
conditions and some, including the alleged 9/11 mastermind, Khalid
Sheikh Mohammed, have allegedly confessed after being exposed to
torture, including the loathsome and illegal technique known as “waterboarding”.
Most people, probably including former Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld
who authorized this torture, would confess to anything their torturers
wanted to hear in order to save their lives and escape further horrific
treatment. Thus these “confessions” will prove worthless. Worse,
defendants who may not in fact have been tortured will be able to claim
convincingly that any admissions they made under ordinary interrogation
were equally false.
The reason the Bush administration threw away the rulebook is clear.
They wanted to extract as much information as quickly as possible from
these suspects, so that they could close in on the rest of Bin Laden’s
organization. But in doing this, they made any future prosecution of
these individuals in a normal court of law entirely unsafe. Thus the
deplorable need to keep the process within the military. But even this
is a doomed ambition. In part because it has been made clear that the
military prosecutor will be seeking death penalties, it is inevitable
that these cases will in time escape the military and almost certainly
find their way to US Supreme Court. Along the way, lawyers and
legislators will attack the way in which these men have been held and
treated. Although it may seem unthinkable to many, there is, therefore,
a chance that the cases against the accused will actually collapse
because of the widespread perversion of their legal and human rights. If
that happened, guilty men might actually walk free and there would be no
conviction and no punishment for the world’s greatest single act of
terrorism. The detention of Al-Qaeda suspects in Guantanamo Bay was an
ill-conceived ploy to keep alleged terrorists away from the proper
judicial process. The Bush White House was warned repeatedly by friends
and allies that this process was not the solution, that it was illegal
and that it would create more problems than it solved. Guantanamo
attacked the very principles of justice and fairness on which the US was
built and would, therefore, ultimately fail. And so it is proving.
—Arab News
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