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Flawed planning is responsible for Pakistan’s current crisis
Nasim Zehra
TO SAY that these are difficult times for us in Pakistan would be like
stating the very obvious. Yet the one dimension of the current situation
that deserves repetition is the non-security dimension of our present
difficulties. Specifically, it is the almost sudden and extreme shortage
of flour, electricity, water and gas that has left Pakistanis truly
perplexed. While the shortage of these commodities is always
disconcerting, it is the suddenness, rapidity and scale of these
shortages that have left people shocked. End December onwards, the price
of flour shot up and in many areas the commodity actually disappeared
from the market. Suddenly the entire country is in the grip of endless
load shedding. If the major urban centres are going through ‘an hour on
and an hour off’ hourly load shedding, the smaller towns will remain
without electricity for a greater part of the 24 hours.
Commercial, industrial and domestic life is under tremendous pressure
throughout Pakistan. Besides hitting the industry and the trading
classes, daily wage earners are losing their jobs, people’s domestic
routines are being drastically curtailed. Electric gadgets are fast
becoming a casualty of the half hourly and hourly load shedding
schedules. With the crisis now unfolding rather belated remedial and
what must be routine measures for improving efficiency are being
recommended. For example at high level meetings chaired early January
onwards by the care-taker prime minister, relevant ministries have been
directed to take remedial measures. The prime minister stressed the need
for better coordination among concerned organisations of power to
overcome the crisis.
The water and power ministry and PEPCO have been ordered by the PM to
“develop a system of regular inspections of generation plants in order
to assess the capabilities of the sources of electricity supply and
accordingly plan the load management.” Steps in collaboration with
provincial governments, law enforcement agencies and public support,
will be taken to avert sabotage activities. The earlier claim made for
example during early January was that sabotage activities post Benazir
Bhutto’s assassination had affected electricity supplies. Officials in a
briefing to the prime minister, as reported in the January 7 online
edition of the Pakistan Times, had assured him that “the restoration of
electricity generation would improve till January 31, 2008”. According
to this estimate load shedding should have decreased. Instead, the
reverse is happening. The government has already announced that this
level of load shedding is likely to continue for another 18 months.
The positive scenario sketched for this debilitating load shedding is a
fast growing industrial base. The only pertinent question would be that
then every expanding economy should then face the similar problems of
electricity and gas shortages. They don’t because their governments and
their relevant state institutions plan better. Industrial expansion does
not occur suddenly, like a bolt out of the blue.
Unprecedented load shedding of gas has also begun. Those people, who had
over the years become dependant on gas for cooking, heating and driving
purposes, are now faced with a stark and bitter reality. Those
dependants on gas as cooking and vehicle fuel may have to think of
alternatives. Thousands if not millions of Pakistanis who have switched
their cars to the economical and environment-friendly CNG system may
perhaps soon be regretting their decision. There is no clear word on
what the future of CNG supply stations will be. Some Press reports
indicate that because of gas shortages the government maybe forced to
review its earlier policy of encouraging car owners to switch to
environment friendly CNG. Water shortage is also on the rise. At present
domestic users are the biggest sufferers. In some areas water can be
purchased while others have to just live with sharp cuts in water
supply. Water shortage will also adversely affect agriculture in the
coming season. The shortage of irrigation water will make people turn to
use of tubewells, further increasing pressure on electricity.
This scale and suddenness of shortages of so many basic commodities is
unprecedented for Pakistan. People mostly find the current state
incomprehensible. The tall claims of a prospering economy and an
efficiently managed system are hard to take seriously. The
incomprehensible is often explained lightly. Mythical explanations
abound. It is an American conspiracy to destabilise Pakistan. The
objective for this destabilisation is to create an opening for the
Americans to come in and take control of Pakistan’s nuclear weapons.
Such explanations defy facts, logic and ground realities. Another
explanation is that this crisis was created by this government to scare
off the opposition parties from wanting to contest for a truly thorny
throne! Yet another is that there are individuals within the bureaucracy
that are seeking to sabotage the president. All these are no more than
products of a mere ‘gup shup’ approach. None stand the test of fact and
reason. Our sense of desperation keeps forcing us to look outside for
understanding the most obvious about ourselves. For example the Business
Recorder on February 2 published an interview conducted with the world
famous linguistic and political commentator Naom Chomsky. Naturally an
anguished Pakistan asked Chomsky “What solutions do you propose for
Pakistan in order for it to become a true democracy rather than a failed
state?” Chomsky’s response was what by now an average Pakistani citizen
would have given. He said “by developing political and social
arrangements in which the population can actually determine effective
policy. That is what democracy is.”
We need to look inwards to take remedial steps on the internal front. We
need to clearly understand what has triggered our present non-security
crisis. Only flawed planning, with no reference to short-term and long
term adverse scenarios, is responsible for our current non-security
crisis. This truly perplexing situation cannot be explained away simply
as a symptom of bad politics or a fall-out of the growing problem of
terrorism. The objective analysis presented by independent informed
people that has been published in the media does indicate absence of bad
planning. Time and again we Pakistanis are confronted with the stark
reality that unless the management of our country, its resources and
people, is not undertaken along professional, accountable and
institutionalised lines, the business of statecraft will remain
substandard. Substandard statecraft will continue to prevent Pakistan
from being a great Asian power by virtue of its dedicated people, its
rich resources and its strategic location. What is remarkable about
Pakistanis is to never give up in the face of sustained odds, their
determination to ‘never say die.’
—Khaleej Times
Pakistan Peoples Party at
the crossroads?
Dr Moeed Pirzada
THE internal power schisms of ‘Pakistan People Party’ are finally coming
to the fore. This gives credence to the dark prophecies of all those
pundits who had predicted, immediately after Benazir’s assassination,
that Pakistan’s most popular political formation will find it difficult
to survive as ‘one’ beyond the immediate needs of the coming elections.
The rot may have been brewing for a while. The natural thought, “what
will I get?” must have dominated many minds from the moment they
descended upon Naudero and Gari Khuda Baksh to bury the last of the
‘real Bhuttos’. But in recent days the first shot was fired by PPP
Senator Dr Babar Awan who issued a statement that no one but the party
co-chairman, Asif Ali Zardari, was the right person to be nominated as
PPP candidate for prime ministerial slot after the elections.
The good senator was obviously testing the waters for Zardari. It then
transpired, from newspapers, that party’s top most leadership has
rebuked Awan for giving such a statement in violation of the party’s
considered position that such a decision will be taken after the
elections. Many wondered: “who is this top leadership?” Fortunately the
confusion did not last long. PPP senior vice chairman, Makhdoom Amin
Fahim, emerged on the scene terming Senator Awan’s statements his
personal opinions and clarified that only party’s Central Executive
Committee (CEC) has the authority to decide upon the matter — and that
too after the elections. Perhaps to add authority to his voice he
claimed that he and Asif Ali Zardari were in complete cohesion over the
issue.
Makhdoom of Hala might have regretted his words. For soon afterwards
Zardari, while talking to the US publication Newsweek, made it clear
that he is seriously considering himself for the prime ministerial slot,
for he has the “widest name recognition in the party” and “no senior
leader apart from him spent eleven years in jail”. Under his directions
a copy of the will of Benazir Bhutto was made public to prove, once
again, that she had nominated him, and no one else but him, as the
acting chairman of the party.
This is now the third time that PPP under Zardari changed its position
on the subject: First on 30th December, three days after Ms. Bhutto’s
assassination, Zardari had clearly indicated that Makhdoom Amin Fahim,
who always lead PPP, in Benazir’s absence, would be the party’s
candidate for the prime ministerial slot. A few days later this position
was reversed announcing that CEC will decide this after the elections.
This in itself was an indication of the growing fault lines. However,
now with Senator Awan’s premonitions, Zardari’s interview in Newsweek
followed with the dramatic release of the Bhutto’s ‘political will’ it
is abundantly clear that Benazir’s widower is making his moves towards
the top slot-albeit cautiously, inch by inch, to make it more palatable.
Even in the Newsweek interview he said that he might or might not be the
prime ministerial candidate. And since then he has again tried
distancing his person from the idea- he has planted himself.
Since Benazir’s assassination, Zardari has not only benefited from a
natural wave of sympathy inside Sindh but several of his actions have
generated a national goodwill and expanded his political space: his
voice of reason and restraint at a time of great commotion in Sindh; his
ability to defend the federation; his better command on the use and
nuance of Urdu language and his indicating that Makhdoom Amin will be
the party’s nominee for the prime ministerial slot all contributed to
that. Yet his, all too visible, desire to become the prime ministerial
candidate is something he should better stay away from, in the best
interests of his party, country and his family. And there are certain
good reasons for that.
Zardari may not be that villainous character many in the media and the
government agencies paint him into. Some of those who have interacted
with him on an intimate level vouch that he is as normal or unprincipled
as any other in Pakistan’s power structure. Yet someone, like him,
rooted in reality might be painfully aware of the negative baggage,
rightly or wrongly, he carries in Pakistan’s collective consciousness.
The attempts of his lawyers and lobbyists to either defend him on the
grounds that nothing has been proved or by drawing parallels with the
misdeeds of other politicians, bureaucrats and generals will fail to
make any significant dent in the overall collective perception, at least
not in the short run. Whatever he may do, in immediate future he will
continue to be a divisive figure, especially outside Sindh. And both
People’s Party and Pakistan, at this hour, need a less polarised, and a
uniting figure.
Love conquers all
Ameen Izzadeen
THE shock was in the advertisement. A five-star hotel in Colombo has
advertised a US$2,000 package targeting lovers on Valentine’s Day. Isn’t
it atrocious? My civic-minded friends asked me as we sat down for a
conversation over a cup of tea. The Valentine’s Day price tag spoke of
the widening gap in society. Occupying a place somewhere in the middle
of the income spectrum, I see, at one extreme, people for whom busting
up US$ 2,000 in a single night on a stupid commercialised concept is a
pretty simple thing. On the other hand, I see people struggling to make
ends meet. While the rich drive around in their gas-guzzling SUVs, the
poor walk to the neighbourhood grocer to buy milk powder and sugar not
in packets but in small scoops.
How can we tolerate Valentine’s Day extravagance when more than 90 per
cent of Sri Lanka’s population is reeling under the heavy burden of the
rapidly rising cost of living? The suffering of the poor is no business
of the rich who make no effort to realise that they are trapped in the
vileness of commercialism. But shouldn’t they at least be sensitive to
the tragedy that has befallen the country? Celebrating Valentine’s Day
on grand scale while hundreds of civilians, including schoolchildren,
die in daily violence is as cowardly an act as terrorism itself. What is
happening in the name of St Valentine today will make the third century
priest turn in his grave, with every business firm trying to make quick
bucks by announcing special Valentine’s Day packages. Banks offer
special discounts for credit card holders while jewellers say they have
come up with new designs. Rub a-dub, the butcher, the baker and the
candle-stick maker, all glorify romance for profit.
The American brand of commercialism which has made Valentine’s Day a
multi-billion-dollar business has not even spared soldiers on the war
front. FM radio channels have special Valentine’s Day programmes lined
up for soldiers fighting the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. They will
carry messages to and from soldiers and their loved ones as requests for
romantic songs choke up radio channels. After all, soldiers are also
made of flesh and bones. They also have feelings, emotions and a craving
to love and to be loved.
But the Roman Emperor Claudius II who jailed and killed St Valentine,
did not think so. He saw love and marriage as factors that take away
men’s ability to fight. So he is said to have imposed a ban on priests
performing marriage ceremonies. St Valentine, in whose memory
Valentine’s Day is marked, defied this ban and he was sent to prison
where he is said to have fallen in love with a jailor’s daughter before
he was finally executed. I often wonder what love and romance meant to
people in Sri Lanka’s war-ravaged north. Do they fall in love? Do
thousands of men and women who have joined the Tamil Tigers’ fight for a
separate state for Sri Lanka’s minority Tamils have the luxury to pen
love poems?
Tamil literature is rich in love poetry. Tradition says Tamil literature
has a history of more than 12 millennia. Love and romance have been
enriching Tamil literature since the ‘Sangam’ days some two thousand
years ago and throughout. Kavi Chakravarti (emperor of poets) Kamban
(12th century), who gave the Tamils the Ramayana, and Kavi Arasu (king
of poets) Kannadasan (20th century) are giants or the Tamil equivalents
of Shakespeare or Shelly. Surely, every Tamil youth must have heard
Kamban’s son Ambikapathi who was executed for falling in love with
Amaravathi, the Chola king’s daughter. When Ambikapathi’s matter came up
in the king’s court, Kamban defended his son’s right to fall in love and
describe the beauty of Amarawathi and express his love for her in
poetry. But the king insisted that Ambikapathi was inspired by lust, not
by love and got him killed. The story of Ambikapathi-Amarawathi is the
Tamil equivalent of the doomed romance of Romeo and Juliet, Laila and
Majnu or Salim and Anarkali. To assume that love does not blossom in
people who live in war-hit areas is as stupid as assuming that weeds do
not grow in marshes. But the difference is that in the war zone, love
blossoms as a necessity rather than a commodity.
—Khaleej Times
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