It’s not easy for a General to be a civilian

IT WAS a historic moment when President Pervez Musharraf handed over the command of Pakistan’s formidable army to General Ashfaq Kayani during an impressive farewell parade in Rawalpindi yesterday. Shedding the military uniform, which, as the president himself put it in the past, was his “second skin”, was not an easy decision considering the challenges facing Pakistan today. But his switch-over to the civilian rule augurs well for the future of the country. As he takes the oath as a civilian president today for a second five-year term, there are indications that emergency, which was imposed on November 3, may be lifted “very soon” as mentioned by the country’s attorney-general. In any case, the first step has been taken towards normalising the situation. But the future offers no bed of roses to Musharraf, who has to live up to the expectations of the people as a civilian president, ensure free and fair elections, promote a spirit of reconciliation and restore the credibility of the government by providing a level playing field for all political parties. Another important challenge facing Musharraf as a civilian president will be improving the law and order situation in restive parts of the country. This can be done only with the help of elected representatives of the people and sincere efforts should be made to bring peace and harmony through consultation and discussion. By stepping down as the army chief, President Musharraf has ensured a new beginning for Pakistan. It is hoped that the opportunity will not be wasted and steps will be taken to spur the country’s march towards a progressive and enlightened society.
Musharraf’s final hours in the armed forces will be recorded as emotional moments, but his new portfolio will stretch the capabilities of the former soldier as he grapples to provide stability to his country. Practicality, political acumen and to some extent even appeasement towards his detractors will be the factors that will ensure his success and longevity. The army, now under the command of his protege General Ashfaq Kiyani, and a hand-picked judiciary may be protecting the interests of the president as he prepares to be sworn in today, but Musharraf’s biggest challenge will come when he gives the media its voice back, lifts the sanctions of emergency placed upon the people and immerses himself in the country’s democratic process. The events that may transpire could promise a good old-fashioned dogfight but so far Musharraf has proved that he can stay the distance with his wily manipulations of both the political system and the opposition. But the battle of the Pakistani election still has to be fought out and it is here that Musharraf’s skills will be tested as he locks horns with Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto. Musharraf, meanwhile, has already begun soothing some wounds from the emergency, though the muzzled judiciary remain opposed. It is never easy for a man steeped in military tradition to take on the mantle of a civilian ruler. Compromise rather than orders is the strong point of any worthwhile leader. There has never been any doubt about Musharraf’s ability to issue and implement orders. Now he must show that he has got the ability to compromise for the sake of democracy.
 

A good start

ANNAPOLIS, it appears, has turned out to be a step forward for peace. While the details before us of the Bush-inspired Middle East peace meet are sketchy, what’s clearly evident is a rare sense of optimism that guided both side as well as the hosts, at the 44-nation conclave. There, it seems, is light at tunnel’s end. That optimism is anchored in several positive hints. For one, rival sides have agreed to carry forward the discussions with a time-table for the talks firmly in place. Leading figures, Mahmoud Abbas and Ehud Olmert, would meet as early as December 12, an event to be closely followed by a sitting in Paris by the 40-odd participant nations to streamline funds for cash-strapped Palestinians. It shows the urgency and seriousness all sides attach to the initiative. Mahmoud Abbas has set the tone for the talks with his impassioned, yet realistic, call to the Israeli side: “Neither we nor you must beg for peace from the other. It is a joint interest for us and you. Peace and freedom is a right for us, just as peace and security are a right for you and us”. And, President Bush, in the mediator’s role, has underlined the urgency of the initiative, by unveiling a vision for the Palestinians’ future and stressing, “we cannot risk losing an entire generation to radicals and extremists. There has to be something more positive”.
Also, the intended final outcome of the current initiative is all-inclusive, as Annapolis also saw a session that devoted itself to “comprehensive peace questions”, the reference being to other Arab disputes with Israel; the issues involving Syria and Lebanon, for instance. This is the way forward; and, clearly, an acknowledgement of the ground realities that surround the Middle East peace concept; a pre-requisite for lasting peace in the region. There is reason for optimism. But it’s a cautious optimism. For one, those holding the lead role in the current initiative are currently not in the best of their strengths. Bush, Olmert and Abbas are facing odds at home. Also, it is the Bush administration’s final year in office. Which is perhaps why the deadline for a final solution has been fixed for end 2008. Bush’s legacy is at stake. The President must do all he can to salvage what remains of his so-called legacy. Here is his final call: an opportunity to win or lose an opportunity to write history. No doubt, Bush and America can craft success if they indeed have the will to. But would they? The world is waiting for the answer.

—Khaleej Times