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Pursuing terrorists or resources?
Wu Xiaoming
U.S. President George W. Bush announced plans to set up an Africa
Command in February. Preparations have since been in full swing. A slew
of officials from the U.S. State and Defense departments have visited
African countries in the hope of determining a location for the Africa
Command’s headquarters. In September, the U.S. Senate confirmed the
appointment of General William E. Ward, Deputy Commander of the U.S.
European Command, as its first commander. The Africa Command began
operations in early October in temporary headquarters in Stuttgart,
Germany, where the European Command is based. Officials expect to fully
establish the Africa Command in an African country next October.
Washington’s focus on Africa has drawn serious concern from the
international community.
Beyond antiterrorism
While explaining the mission of the Africa Command, Bush and Pentagon
officials said that it aims to combat Al Qaeda and other terrorists in
Africa. As a matter of fact, Africa is a major focus of the United
States’ global war on terror. It should be noted that some terrorist
organizations penetrated Africa in the wake of U.S. antiterrorism
operations in the Middle East and Central Asia. At present, nearly 2,000
U.S. service people are stationed in Djibouti, Ethiopia and Somalia on
antiterrorism missions. To combat terrorist networks, the United States
offers financial assistance, weapons and personnel training to African
countries including Morocco, Algeria and Somalia. Before the Africa
Command was created, the European Command, the Central Command and the
Pacific Command were jointly responsible for U.S. military operations in
Africa. The Africa Command can coordinate U.S. military operations in
Africa in a unified manner and improve the United States’ cooperation
with African countries on antiterrorism.
However, the international community does not think that the United
States’ strategic intentions are so simple. Algeria, for example,
refused to house the Africa Command’s headquarters. Algerian Minister of
State for Foreign Affairs Mohamed Bedjaoui said no one had ever proposed
any antiterrorism cooperation with Algeria in the 1990s when terrorist
violence was rampant in that country. Unlike other military commands,
the Africa Command has, on its staff, civilian government officials from
the State Department and the U.S. Agency for International Development,
a testament to the complex strategic considerations underlying the
creation of the Africa Command.
The United States has at least two considerations beyond antiterrorism
in Africa. The first is to secure and stabilize its oil supply from
Africa; and the second is to strengthen its political, military and
economic control of Africa in order to consolidate the international
system under U.S. hegemony. Africa is blessed with large, high-quality
oil reserves. Moreover, these reserves do not cost much to process and
transport. According to U.S. official statistics, the United States
imported 2.23 million barrels of crude oil from Africa in 2006, making
Africa the biggest source of U.S. crude oil for the first time, ahead of
the Middle East. It is estimated that Gulf of Guinea countries -Nigeria,
Equatorial Guinea, Angola, Gabon and the Democratic Republic of
Congo-will provide oil for one quarter of the U.S. energy demand. The
Africa Command is poised to play an important role in helping the United
States tighten its control on Africa’s oil resources.
Haunted by historical issues created by Western colonialists and
complicated religious and racial conflicts, Africa suffers from
political turmoil, economic backwardness, social instability, and
frequent armed conflicts and wars. Also, U.S. efforts to promote
“democracy” in Africa have turned out to be futile. The continent has
long been marginalized in the Americans’ global strategy. The rapid
spread of international terrorism in Africa has awakened the United
States to the severe consequences of ignoring the continent. Since
George W. Bush became president in 2001, the United States has stressed
Africa’s role as a fulcrum in its global strategy and increased its
presence in Africa in terms of economic assistance and military
training.
According to The Washington Post, the U.S. administration has doubled
the United States’ humanitarian assistance to Africa since Bush assumed
power. The assistance currently stands at more than $4 billion a year.
Bush is planning to raise it to $9 billion annually by 2010. In a
military base reorganization plan submitted to Congress in 2005, the
Pentagon suggested establishing more than 10 “forward operating sites”
in North Africa. The establishment of the Africa Command shows that the
United States has recognized Africa as an important lever in its global
strategic arrangements. By putting Africa under its control, it will be
able to use the continent’s strategic location and resources to
influence countries that have major interests in Africa. In this way,
the United States will strengthen its global hegemony. Lingering
resistance Despite strong support from the U.S. Congress and the
Pentagon, the establishment of the Africa Command has sparked opposition
from the international community, especially African countries. Most
countries, including some nations that have close relations with the
United States, have made it clear that they would not welcome U.S.
soldiers. France, which considers Africa as part of its sphere of
interests, has also showed deep concern.
Where to locate the Africa Command is the most difficult problem at
present. U.S. officials held discussions with a number of African
countries this year, but they have not yet decided on a location.
Algeria, Libya, Tunisia and Nigeria have said they will not house the
command within their borders. It was reported that Morocco agreed to
host the Africa Command in its southern Tan-Tan region. However, the
Moroccan Government soon denied the report. To date, only Sao Tome and
Principe, an island country in the Gulf of Guinea, has offered to host
the U.S. Africa Command. Currently, it is still difficult to forecast
where the Africa Command will be based. However, according to the United
States’ strategic objectives in Africa, it will establish “forward
operating sites” in Africa’s strategic centers, such as East Africa,
North Africa and the Gulf of Guinea, to form a military network covering
the entire African Continent. Whether the United States will keep a low
profile, as it does now, is questionable. The United States’ poor image
in Africa is largely responsible for this strong resistance.
U.S.-Africa relations began with the trade of black slaves. The United
States started to expand into Africa in 1821 when it established the
first colonial outpost on the continent. During the Cold War, the United
States offered support to its African allies, including regimes that
practiced racial segregation and dictatorship, to contain the Soviet
Union’s influence in Africa. Uncertain future The United States has met
fierce resistance since it decided to establish the Africa Command.
Whether the Africa Command can operate smoothly, to steer the
development of the strategic situation in Africa in a direction the
United States wants, mainly hinges on the U.S. forces’ respect for the
freedom of African countries and people.
The United States has tried to dilute power politics and military
intervention involved in setting up the Africa Command by incorporating
personnel from civilian government departments, making it different from
other U.S. commands. Despite this, Africa and the world at large are
still suspicious of its motives. The U.S. military presence and
operations in foreign countries have brought serious trouble for local
residents. American servicemen in Japan and South Korea have committed
sexually violent crimes time and again. In Iraq, they go as far as
killing innocent civilians. If the U.S. troops do not become more
disciplined, they will fuel Africa’s internal conflicts and political
turmoil, and the United States will end up with another failure. It will
not only spawn more terrorism, but also plunge the African people into
disastrous chaos and wars. Its efforts may backfire, too, miring the
United States in the morass of Africa, just as they have in Iraq.
And now take a look at the U.S. Africa Command’s implications on China’s
interests in Africa. China and the United States can choose to
cooperate, compete or be embroiled in confrontation with each other in
Africa. The establishment of the Africa Command is the prelude to deeper
American involvement in Africa’s affairs. China stands for concerted
international efforts to support Africa’s economic development and
national reconciliation. At the same time, it opposes power politics
that interferes in Africa’s internal affairs. If they uphold the
principles of equal consultation and mutually beneficial cooperation,
both China and United States will make joint contributions to Africa’s
peace and development.
(The Daily Mail-Beijing Review Articles Exchange
Item)
ISI - An easy scapegoat
organisation
Khalid Khokhar
SCAPEGOATING is a hostile social-psychological mechanism by which people
move blame and responsibility away from themselves and towards a target
person, group or Government. The target feels wrongly persecuted and
receives misplaced vilification, blame and criticism. One such
organization by the name Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) is easily
scapegoated for creating disruption and politically-motivated mayhem
from the perpetrators. All the unproven and unexplained anti-social
activities either perpetrated by individual or group are ascribed to be
the doing of ISI. Individuals, politicians and even foreign Governments
do not hesitate to blame ISI for interfering in the internal politics,
toppling governments and rigging elections. It is alleged to be a “State
with in a State”, a maverick beyond the control of political leadership
and an unguided missile that has been damaging the national interest
while pursing its own narrow agenda. In his recent book called “no
killed Daniel Pearl”, the famous philosopher and historian Bernard-Henri
Levy has blamed the ISI for Pearl’s murder. All these allegations and
accusations levelled against ISI are well-coordinated and planned
policies of the perpetrators having vested interest to malign the image
of ISI which is becoming an eye-sore of the enemies of Pakistan. The
reality is far away from it. These crimes were committed by other
agencies but were laid at the ISI door. This is only because the ISI has
acquired a reputation of safe guarding Pakistan’s interest and national
security inside and outside the country. How can an organization whose
objective is to look after Pakistan’s interest, is involved in gruesome
murders, bomb blasts and beating of politicians, Lawyers and
journalists?
The report published in daily Arab News on Nov 12, 2007 under the
caption “ISI tried to black mail Judges”, revealed that ISI security
filmed judges and their children having sex with partners or prostitutes
and later these were sent to at least three judges of Supreme Courts to
get a favourable decision on the eligibility of dual post of President
Musharraf. As the political events happened to unveil later, one could
understand that the report was not based on facts and logic. It smacked
of mischief by the perpetrators to create anarchy-like situation in the
country. Was there any logic in the declaration of emergency in the
presence of such videos to black mail the judges so as to get desired
verdict? Had there been such type of video reports, the judges could
have been refrained from decision against the President and avoided the
imposition of emergency state in the country. On the other side, the
former Chief Justice Iftikhar Ahmed Chaudhry’s corrupt practices
including usage of influence to help his son get a Government job as
well his sexual impropriety, are now talk of the Town. The people have
come to know the element of integrity in judiciary circle. The threats
to pass the videos to the families of the judges in question are the
dirty tricks which cannot be the doings of ISI.
Intelligence agencies were scapegoated by Asif Ali Zardari when two
suicide attacks that targeted Benazir Bhutto’s homecoming festivity on
Oct 18, 2007, killed 143 and wounded more that 550 people. At a press
conference at Bilawal House on Oct 19, 2007, Bhutto blamed the
Government for the attacks. Now, it is beyond one’s imagination that how
the government who has staged PPP’s comeback, could undertake
assassination attempt? In the bid to opt for national reconciliation,
the Government granted Benazir Bhutto amnesty and waived-off her pending
corruption charges through a National Reconciliation Ordinance on 5 Oct
2007. In fact, Benazir bears responsibly for the deaths in the attack,
since she was warned by the Government not to expose her followers for
the sake of her own “personal grandeur”. The suicide attacks may have
been the work of militant linked to Waziristan based Taliban who
perceive Benazir as pro-US leader supporting military operations on the
Lal Masjid, and allowing the IAEA to question A.Q. Khan. The suicide
attacks were designed by the vested group to create a wedge between PPP
and the Government, so that the country remains derailed.
Another allegation often surfaced by ISI is its continued role in
supplying weapons and providing sanctuary to terrorists. ISI has for
decades backed militant’s Islamic Group in Afghanistan. ISI operated
closely with Mujahideen who were motivated to fight as a united force
protecting fellow Muslims in Soviet-Occupied Afghanistan. This made
America Administration to question Pakistan’s commitment in combating
the Taliban remnants in bordering areas. The NATO’s top commanders have
criticized ISI’s continued role in supplying weapons and providing
sanctuary to the terrorists. In response, Pakistan has pointed to the
deployment of nearly 80,000 troops in the border areas and the arrests
of more than 700 Al Qaeda members carried out by mostly ISI members, the
most high profile ones including 9/11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed,
as proof that the ISI was serious in its commitment to fighting the War
on Terrorism. Pakistan has made invaluable contributions to combating al
Qaeda over the past six years. The “South Waziristan Accord” that deals
with the militants to end the Waziristan War was seen by US as
strengthening Taliban powerbase in Waziristan. However, according to the
Centre for International and Strategic Studies in Washington, “the US
strategy of rooting out terrorism through military measures alone was
badly flawed”.
ISI often alleged to be an invisible force in politics and countless
incidents around the world, is one of the most easily scapgoated
organization. ISI was blamed for masterminding the Kargil war,
supporting Khalistan separatist movement; giving support to the Kashmir]
freedom fighters in IOK, 1993 Mumbai bombings, supplying weapons to
militants for their fight in US-led GWOT in Afghanistan, so on and so
forth. How can a small organization having only 5000 employees be a
dangerous, out of control agency that is a menace to the west as well as
the neighbouring countries? On the contrary, ISI has identified critical
parts of al Qaeda’s network. ISI gathers intelligence in the hostile
environment and make the world more secure while protecting the
interests of Pakistan.
Taking Ugandan scenario into account
Joyce Njeri
HATS off to Uganda. The East
African country hosted this year’s Commonwealth Heads of Government
Meeting (CHOGM), that was hailed successful. But amidst all the exchange
of pleasantries and clicking of drink glasses, one thing stuck out like
a bad sore — bloody demonstrations on the streets of Kampala, to condemn
President Yoweri Museveni’s government track record of human rights.
With Queen Elizabeth, Gordon Brown and about 50 other heads of
government in the club of former British colonies in town, Museveni
laboured to present a new Uganda, detached from the horrors of its past.
According to news reports, police beat protesters as they tried to
demonstrate against human rights abuses in Uganda.
Opposition leader and Museveni’s fiercest critic Kizza Besigye was
quoted as saying that what the country was experiencing was nothing new.
“This is what we have been living through all this time. This is a
government that does not respect the rights of citizens at all,” he was
quoted by journalists. It’s purely hypocritical that the summit decided
to kick out Pakistan from the Commonwealth group while on the other hand
showering praise on the host country. UK foreign affairs secretary David
Miliband said the decision to suspend Pakistan was taken in “sorrow, not
in anger”. The troubled Asian country will now be barred from attending
meetings of the Commonwealth and receiving assistance from the group,
which represents almost a third of the world’s population. But as the
Commonwealth heads were strongly condemning General Musharraf, and in
particular his crackdown on the opposition and his human rights abuses,
they forgot that they were dining with a similar player.
They also failed to see that the grounds they were standing on were not
‘clean’ either. The summit was held barely 300 miles away from the
so-called ‘killing fields of northern Uganda’. According to a 2005
survey conducted by Uganda’s own Ministry of Health in partnership with
the World Health Organisation (WHO), there were 1,000 excess deaths per
week in the 200 or so camps. These numbers translate into 52,000 deaths
per year, 520,000 over the last decade, or more than one million over
the course of the 20 years war. The delegates were also hosted in the
same city where the government tortures political opponents critical to
it.
—Khaleej Times
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