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America’s Iraq dilemma
Ding Ying
FOUR and a half years after the United States invaded Iraq, President
George W. Bush has decided to start withdrawing troops from the country.
Although the total number of soldiers to be withdrawn by next summer is
not large - approximately 30,000 of the current 168,000 - foreign
affairs experts said Bush’s decision is an attempt to improve the
standing of the Republican Party at home prior to the 2008 presidential
election in spite of Americans’ continued opposition to the war.
Yet, the troop withdrawal will not influence what happens in Iraq,
experts said. The country’s main mission is to reunite all its political
and religious groups to build stability and prosperity.
The situation in Iraq keeps getting tougher for the Americans. The
number of American casualties continues to grow, antiwar protests have
become more frequent, and the Republicans’ hope of winning the 2008
presidential election is dim. And with Democrats in the majority in
Congress, support for Bush’s policy has diminished compared to what it
was before the midterm congressional elections in 2006.
In early January 2007, Bush announced his intention to send more troops
Iraq to boost security there in light of the continued attacks on
American troops and Iraqi citizens. U.S. Congress set 18 benchmarks in
its War Funding Bill passed on May 24, which covered political, economic
and security aspects. These benchmarks set standards for measuring the
progress made by additional forces. The Bush Administration submitted
its first Iraq report to the government in July and a second one on
September 14. But, according to both reports, the 18 benchmarks were not
met.
On September 9-10, General David Petraeus, the commander of the U.S.
forces in Iraq, and Ryan Crocker, the U.S. Ambassador to Iraq, testified
before Congress about the security situation there after the additional
troops were sent. According to Xinhua News Agency reports, Petraeus made
three main points. First, the U.S. Government’s reinforcement had made
some achievements in Iraq, and large amounts of U.S. troops should not
be cut off. Second, although Iraq’s Central Government made little
progress, the situation of local governments in the country had
improved. Third, a sudden withdraw would lead to disaster in Iraq.
A poll by Cable News Network (CNN) showed that about 53 percent of the
American public did not believe the current situation in Iraq was just
like Petraeus had said, according to a Xinhua News Agency report.
On September 13, Bush announced a plan to withdraw some troops by next
summer. In his address to the nation, Bush used the expression “bring
some of our troops home” rather than “withdraw,” and said the plan was
based on the principle of “return on success,” meaning that the more
successful the United States was in stabilizing Iraq, the more American
troops would be withdrawn.
Under the current plan, 2,200 Marines will return immediately and will
not be replaced. An Army brigade of 3,500 will be sent home by
Christmas. Approximately 23,000 troops are scheduled to return by next
summer, leaving about 139,300 U.S. troops in Iraq.
Politics at home
Zhang Guoqing, an American studies researcher at the Chinese Academy of
Social Sciences (CASS), cited several reasons for Bush’s decision to
start the troop pullout. First, it resulted from wrestling between
Congress and the White House. With the Democrats now controlling
Congress and strongly urging the government to withdraw troops from
Iraq, the White House and U.S. Congress are in a teeter-totter situation
where they must compromise on certain occasions regarding Iraq. If the
Bush administration maintains a hardline attitude on Iraq, it might face
more pressure from Congress on other issues, especially on domestic
affairs.
“The partial pullout plan can get the government more support from
Congress on other affairs, such as [Bush’s] war funding application,”
Zhang said.
Second, Bush based his decision on trying to boost the position of the
Republican Party for the coming presidential election. Antiwar voices
have grown louder inside the United States due to the Democrats’
position on troop withdrawal after they won the midterm elections last
year. Democratic presidential candidates are in the lead because they
favor pulling soldiers out of Iraq. By initiating a partial withdrawal,
Bush is trying to get Republican presidential candidates more scores.
Third, with the Iraq war occupying both terms of his presidency, Bush is
concerned about his historical legacy as president. “He doesn’t want to
leave regret after he leaves the post,” Zhang said. “The pullout plan
has practical meanings instead of just a signal.”
Moreover, critics point out that even if the government did not start
withdrawing troops, the U.S. Army would not have enough manpower for
rotating tours of duty by next summer and it would have to withdraw
soldiers anyway. Thus the Bush administration merely did its forces a
favor that cost nothing, according to Xinhua News Agency.
In his address, Bush called the situation in Iraq “critical to the
security of the United States” and said that a major part of American
forces there would remain. But if the Democrats win the coming
presidential election, the next president will plan to withdraw even
more troops or risk betraying Americans’ trust and losing out on a
possible second term, Zhang said. Some military experts believe that if
the situation in Iraq can be controlled as Washington hopes, the United
States should at least send an army with 500,000 troops, he said. In the
meantime, political stability and economic reconstruction will remain at
the heart of the Iraq issue, he added.
Political unraveling
The situation in Iraq has not boded well for the country’s citizens
either. Iraq’s main priority is to establish a stable united government
to bring general peace to the country, foreign affairs experts said.
August was a dark month in Iraq. At least 63 U.S. soldiers were killed,
according to the U.S. Defense Department; and more than 1,770 Iraqi
civilians died in the violence, according to the Iraqi Government.
By September 16, a total of 3,780 U.S. soldiers had lost their lives in
Iraq since the war started, according to U.S. military information. But
nearly 1.2 million Iraqis had been killed during that time, more than
the 1 million who had lost their lives in Rwanda’s genocide, according
to a September 16 report in the British newspaper The Observer.
The primary problem in Iraq is that the country’s security situation is
not improving, one foreign affairs expert said. Li Guofu, a Middle East
studies expert at the China Institute of International Studies (CIIS),
said that reconciliation among Iraqi tribes and religious groups had
hardly reached consensus on account of historical reasons.
On August 26, leaders from Iraq’s three major political groups -
Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds - signed an agreement on some political
issues, in which the Shiites, the country’s dominant group, made some
compromises. For example, the leaders agreed on draft legislation that
would lift limitations on former members of Saddam Hussein’s Baath Party
joining the public service and army. They also agreed on setting
standards to release some detainees held without charge - a key
requirement of the Sunnis.
Although the agreement made some progress, experts said that many hot
spots, such as oil legislation, constitutional amendments and the issue
of militant commandos, had not been discussed, further hindering
attempts to reestablish peace in Iraq.
On September 15, anti-U.S. Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr said his
political party, the second largest component of the ruling Shiite
coalition United Iraqi Alliance, would withdraw from the bloc. The
reason, he said, was that his party had not been consulted about
government decisions. Now, Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s
government is facing its most serous political crisis. Seventeen
ministers have resigned from his administration, and none of the
remaining 23 is Sunni. The united government is only a shell and faces
the near certainty of more conflicts to come.
Li compared post-war Iraq to a broken glass. All the chips and shards
are there, but it will be difficult to put them back together.
“The reconstruction of Iraq not only needs to reshape its political
structures, but also to redistribute power and interests,” Li said.
Because every political group is trying to get more benefits, especially
those concerning oil, conflicts are inevitable, he added.
Iraq has managed to fix its “hardware” in the form of parliamentary
elections and a constitution; however, the country’s “software” -
harmony among its tribes and religious parties - has yet to be repaired,
Li said. In the long run, the entire situation would not be improved, he
added. And it would be impossible for Iraq to have another autocratic
leader like Saddam to mend the country; if this happened, the Americans’
progress in building a democracy would be a joke, he said.
Nevertheless, there is still hope for eventual peace in the war-torn
country, said Zhang from the CASS.
“America is also thinking about inviting other international
organizations, like the UN and the World Bank, to get in [Iraq], so as
to obtain more international resources,” he said. Iraq’s neighbors and
international humanitarian organizations also could get involved and
make some contributions to the peace there, he said.
(The Daily Mail-Beijing Review Articles Exchange
Item)
Is democracy monkey
business?
Najmul Hasan
I ADMIRE monkeys because of
their free spirit and readiness to do whatever they like without any
fear, at least in India, the world’s largest democracy. I told Mr Right
who was reading a newspaper. He looked at me and said, I am afraid they
are no more a favourite lot after a recent incident in Delhi in which
the deputy mayor of the city lost his life in a scuffle with the
monkeys. The city government is now having a second thought about them.
You mean the monkeys will be culled? I asked. Not really, Mr Right said,
the authorities are thinking of some other way to remove these ‘holy
pests’. It’s too bad, I said, because only the monkeys are free these
days. Man was born free, but now he is in chains everywhere, I am not
sure who said this, Jean-Jacques Rousseau or George W Bush, the current
champion of human freedom.
Mr Right said, Don’t worry these ‘icons of freedom’ will not be culled
or caged. The city government will make its effort as harmless as
possible to get rid of the simians. I have an idea, I said. Somebody
should advise the Indian government to ship the monkeys to other
countries where they are needed most. The export of monkeys could also
earn valuable foreign exchange for India. Mr Right grinned. Not a bad
idea at all. But my friend, which countries do you think would welcome
them. I pointed out that there were many countries which might agree to
have them in view of recent clamour there to improve their record of
individual rights and democracy. For example? Mr Right asked. Like, I
said, Pakistan, Myanmar and even the USA.
Pakistan? Mr Right scoffed at my suggestion. The Pakistanis will never
accept Indian monkeys and say they themselves have far better versions.
Mr Right paused for a moment and said, they might even boast of having
‘holy bulls’ who are better than ‘holy monkeys’ to kick up a storm in
the Law & Order Company’s china shop. Try Myanmar then, I suggested. Fow
don’t tell me Myanmar has any liking for the monkeys, Mr Right said. I
am sure they will slam the door on them, saying, we have already enough
pro-democracy trouble-makers ‘monk-eying’ around. In that case, the US
is our best bet, I said. President Bush is always ready to help all
monkeys to protect their freedom. He, in fact, wants everybody to ape
Americans to become citizen of the ‘free world’. ‘Monkeys of the world
unite, you have nothing to lose but chains,’ he blurts every now and
then. Because he loves freedom and democracy more than the first lady.
Mr Right was once again sceptical about my suggestion. But somebody has
to tell the Americans that the monkeys are alive. They usually don’t
know the difference between the living and the dead, he said. Once an
American, pointing to the Statue of Liberty, told Bernard Shaw, “This is
what we stand for.” “Excellent, Shaw quipped, we too make statues in
memory of our dead.” I know, I said, I have great regard for the
Americans for taking good care of the dead. Wherever they go, they make
special efforts to expand graveyards. But it doesn’t mean they are less
caring for the living. There are a lot of people there working for the
well-being of dogs, donkeys and dolphins. Monkeys too will attract their
utmost attention.
Mr Right was still not convinced. My friend, he said, there is every
possibility that they will be shipped from there to Iraq or Afghanistan
to take part in the war for democracy. I felt dejected. Does it mean
that no monkey will ever reach the American shore? I asked. I don’t
know, Mr Right replied, but I wish at least one monkey should end up
there next to the lady holding the torch of liberty. I wish to see
another statue of freedom — a monkey holding the planet earth on his
head with both of his hands. I was excited. It would be a great sight
indeed, I exclaimed. A monkey’s statue in the New York harbour embodying
the golden philosophy of ‘total freedom’. Or, ‘Grab the Globe’ policy of
Bush administration, Mr Right remarked. You may call it ‘monkey grab’ or
‘ Bandar Baant’ in Urdu. It’s the favourite game of the powerful all
over the world. —Khaleej Times
Going about finding vindication in an edgy world
George Abraham
MAHER Arar and Robert
Dziekanski, both immigrants to Canada, are victims of the war on terror,
but only one of them is alive to tell his story. The other victim died
seconds after he was confronted by edgy police officers at Vancouver
airport. Mr Arar has the unlikeliest of stories, having redeemed himself
in the eyes of all but the most cynical Canadians. In 2002, he became
one of the first to be sent via ‘extraordinary rendition’ from New York
to Syria — with the tacit support of Canadian security agencies — for 10
months of torture and forced confessions. Security services in at least
three countries — Canada, the US and his native nation, Syria —
collaborated to put together a credible story against him, in vain.
Since his return to Canada, Mr Arar has rebuilt has reputation layer by
layer, winning an unqualified apology from the Canadian government and
$10.5 million in compensation last January. In a span of five years, he
has gone from “terrorist” to one of Time magazine’s ‘100 most
influential people on the planet.’ A restored Mr Arar moved back to
Ottawa recently, from Kamloops in British Columbia, where he had sought
a quieter lifestyle compared to the constant media attention in the
Canadian capital.
Coincidentally, it was in Kamloops that Mr Dziekanski would have begun
his Canadian journey. On October 14, the 40-year-old construction worker
from the Polish town of Pieszyce embarked on his maiden airplane flight.
It looks like the long road trip from his home town and the 10-hour
flight took a heavy toll on the lone traveller. While he was mid-way
across the Atlantic, his mother, Zofia Cisowski (61) began her five-hour
drive from Kamloops to Vancouver city. She had worked toward this day
for many years. Perhaps unaware of how paranoid the world has become in
recent years, Ms Cisowski asked her son to wait for her by the baggage
carousel at Vancouver airport. ‘Just pick up your bags and wait for me
by the carousel,’ she told her son before he set out from his Polish
home. But unknown to her, the baggage claim area for international
flights is no longer accessible to visitors. It is deemed to be
“sterile,” impregnable except for security-screened personnel and
passengers.
While the mother waited outside, the son fretted inside Vancouver’s busy
airport terminal, which receives about 17 million travellers a year. He
appears to have breezed through immigration and customs despite not
speaking a word of English, and although he got all his bags, his mother
never showed up. According to his mother’s lawyer, Walter Kosteckyj,
“Unbelievably, these people (mother and son) were probably no more than
150 to 200 feet apart for at least five hours, and she was unable to get
any message to him.”
This far, the facts are not in dispute. But how these circumstances led
to the Polish immigrant’s death about 10 hours after he had landed in
Vancouver is still an unfolding story. The Royal Canadian Mounted Policy
(RCMP), whose officers used a taser gun to subdue the passenger, insist
that they were faced with a traveller out of control. He is said to have
banged on windows and hurled a computer. The police claim to have a
video recording of the sequence of events leading up to the ultimate
quieting of the traveller that backs up their version. The family’s
lawyer, though, tells a very different story. “I’ve been in touch with
witnesses; I have viewed a video, which was taken by a bystander, which
is not going to be released until at least the time of the inquest. From
my observation, the interaction between the police and this individual,
who didn’t appear to me to be posing a danger to anybody at the time …
was 24 seconds, roughly, before he was tasered,” Mr Kosteckyj told a
press conference. Independent news reports based on police radio logs
show that Mr Dziekanski was tasered two minutes after police arrived on
the scene. (A taser gun delivers 50,000 volts at 0.004 amps of
electricity to the body, designed to restrain an armed person.) Two
minutes later, these reports said, he had lost consciousness and was
pronounced dead shortly after.—Khaleej Times
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