Cross-legged politics

IT SEEMS it is one step forward and two steps back for the moment in Pakistan’s troubled polity. After dragging the issue for years, General Musharraf finally positions himself to resign as army head — though with normally unacceptable conditions which present state of affairs permits. But the decision is greeted by a big portion of the opposition resigning their seats, which makes the road to a more or less settled election, pretty unsettling. And to add to the confusion, the sitting prime minister promises amnesty to politicians against whom cases were constituted between 1985 and 1999 as a matter of “national reconciliation”. Once again, indications are that the government has been able to come to some sort of a deal with former prime minister Benazir Bhutto, who is set to return to Pakistan on October 18. Indeed, General Musharraf’s greatest concern following the Supreme Court verdict allowing him re-election was the opposition threat of combined resignation and boycott. That so because opposition members walking out in hordes would doubtless have eroded whatever little credibility the re-election bid had left. And a concerned West watching would’ve put one more notch in the ‘cons’ corner under General Musharraf’s name, with the ‘pros’ boasting little save his war-on-terror utility. But now with a new army chief appearing on the scene, that prime utility will be diminished in no small manner.
Therefore, by keeping the country’s largest support-base party, Bhutto’s PPP from resigning, Musharraf has somewhat taken the sting out of the opposition reaction. However, that is not to say that he will all but waltz to the presidency for another half-decade. There has been no confirmation of a deal with the PPP, only trends hint at such a possibility. And should one materialise soon, the general would have his plate full again owing to resistance from powerbrokers already within the official setup. In the desperation to retain control of things, it’s quite clear to see that General Musharraf has made quite a hash of some too. And even though the next setup will be boasted as a democratic one, in truth Islamabad has let go of a rare opportunity of getting the democratic bandwagon back on track, and with a degree of momentum too. It is hoped that from hereon, those claiming to defend the sacred constitution will not be ones most familiar with loopholes in it.

Fukuda’s good intentions

PRIME MINISTER Yasuo Fukuda made his first policy speech in the Diet Monday. Although Mr. Fukuda’s speech lacked freshness and bold proposals, it shows that he correctly grasps what worries people have about today’s politics. But the question is whether he will come up with concrete policy measures and find sufficient funds to solve problems and whether he can get cooperation from the opposition camp, which now controls the Upper House following the July 29 election. Mr. Fukuda declared that his administration will sincerely pursue dialogue with the opposition camp on important policy matters. This shows his intention of trying to get things done as peacefully as possible in the Diet by acting with sincerity toward the opposition camp. This is a welcome change from the Abe administration, which successively forced important bills through the Diet. As expected, Mr. Fukuda cites as “pressing issues” the continuation of the Maritime Self-Defense Force’s refueling activities in the Indian Ocean for the U.S.-led antiterrorism mission and the early resolution of the North Korean problem, including the past abduction of Japanese nationals. Displaying his dialogue-oriented approach, he said he will do his best to explain the MSDF’s activities to the people and the Diet so that he can gain their understanding. It is hoped that he will disclose sufficient information to give a clear picture of the MSDF’s activities. Mr. Fukuda called the abduction issue a “serious human rights issue,” but indicated that he will pursue a dialogue-oriented approach with North Korea. He said he will make utmost efforts to normalize relations with North Korea by coming to terms with the past — meaning by atoning for Japan’s 1910-45 colonial rule of Korean Peninsula. It remains to be seen whether his approach can break the recent impasse. Calling the alliance between Japan and the United States the cornerstone of Japan’s diplomacy, Mr. Fukuda said he will strive to strengthen trustful relations between the two countries while, at the same time, pushing a “proactive Asia diplomacy,” especially with China and South Korea, so that the strengthening of the Japan-U.S. alliance will “resonate with” diplomatic efforts in Asia.
Mr. Fukuda said Japan and China will jointly contribute to peace and stability in Asia by establishing mutually beneficial relations based on common strategic interests — a constructive approach compared with Mr. Abe’s, which appeared more inclined toward containing China by forming close ties among Japan, the U.S., Australia and India. Apparently keeping in mind the scandals that plagued the Abe Cabinet, Mr. Fukuda said he understood people’s distrust of politics and the administration. He said he would like to fully discuss the issue of increasing transparency in political funds with the opposition camp — an improvement over Mr. Abe, who would not take any initiative on the issue of money and politics. Conspicuous in his speech was the absence of references to constitutional revisions and the need to change the policy of prohibiting the exercise of the right of collective defense — pet themes of Mr. Abe. In place of Mr. Abe’s “beautiful country” — propaganda from a nationalistic prime minister — Mr. Fukuda uses such phrases as “autonomy and living together,” “politics with warmth” and a “country of hope, free from anxiety” to show that he cares about issues that directly affect people’s lives. He made an important point — that now is an age to promote safety and eliminate worries in people’s lives by departing from the “production-first” policy. He mentioned, for example, the pension issue, the doctor shortage, food safety, and the increasing number of irregular workers. But an important question remains: How can an administration that does not have the people’s mandate develop strong policy measures?

—Japan Times