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Health fix
Li Li
The most eye-catching items in
Yan Li’s nine-square-meter office are piles and piles of case histories
on her narrow table and a makeshift bed for patients in this community
of 10,150 people from 4,083 households. Yan Li, a 27-year-old doctor in
a community health clinic in Xicheng District of downtown Beijing, said
300 of the 1,000 cases were “active,” which means the patients visit the
clinic regularly as per their doctors’ instructions. Yan is so familiar
with these documents that people will be amazed by the speed with which
she can locate a specific case history.
Of course, Yan knows the patients even better. On a typical working day
recently, she saw eight patients in the morning, ranging in age from 55
to 83 years old, and suffering from chronic diseases.
Throughout the morning, Yan talked slowly and loudly to her patients,
repeating herself often. Spending 20 to 25 minutes on each patient, she
hardly stopped for a break. But, she said, the time she got with every
patient is what distinguished her from her peers in big hospitals.
“People always complain about doctors’ nonchalant three-minute talk in
big hospitals, yet I can understand their difficulties; after all, they
have long queues of patients waiting outside the door,” said Yan Li.
China is ending a 20-year-old medical reform that has been “basically
unsuccessful” as concluded by a two-year study by a think tank under the
State Council released last July. In 2000, the country bore the
humiliation of being ranked 188 among 191 countries by the World Health
Organization in terms of the fairness of medical resources. The Chinese
Government is changing course toward a community-based health care
network consisting of tens of thousands of doctors like Yan Li to serve
the health needs of its urban population.
After reading a blood test report, Yan praised a 59-year-old diabetes
patient for controlling his blood glucose level well and asked her
details of her diet control that she could share with other patients. An
82-year-old victim of heart disease, who came for regular medication for
blood pressure control, grumbled about his wife’s reluctance to go to
hospital for a blood test despite the symptoms of diabetes. Listening to
the old man complaining about the tension over disagreements, Yan said
the wife might be suffering from depression and suggested she should be
taken to see a professional psychiatrist. Lu Fengzhang, 75, who has been
suffering from heart disease and diabetes for years, came for a blood
test. Based on his weight and height, Yan calculated the amount of rice
Lu could take every day and instructed him to eat more vegetables.
Before Lu left, Yan told him that she would call to inform him of the
time of an upcoming lecture on stroke prevention.
“Brand-name” care
“The characteristic of medicare in China is that it has become both
inconvenient and unaffordable,” said Li Ling, a professor at the China
Center for Economic Research of Peking University, at a symposium last
December. She said such a situation was unthinkable in a
well-functioning medical system, where expensive health services are
always of high quality and convenient while services that people have to
queue for are usually inexpensive and even free.
Chen Yude, professor at the School of Public Health of Peking
University, pointed out that an important reason for such a situation
was that people were rushing to the big, multi-specialty hospitals known
for their cutting-edge technology and advanced surgical treatments even
for common diseases. Chen said his outpatient surveys in such hospitals
in Beijing showed that the most common complaint was upper respiratory
tract infection, usually a common cold. As a patient, Chen told Beijing
Review, he tried his best to avoid going to The Third Hospital of Peking
University, one of the best hospitals in Beijing, despite its proximity
to his office. “It is so crowded and I know I will be ‘got rid of’ in no
more than three minutes,” said Chen. He said the danger of this
“brand-effect” was that patients with a complex disease would not get
sufficient time for consultation and check-up.
China embarked on its four-strata national health network in the 1950s.
The top three strata comprise comprehensive public hospitals ranked by
scale and sophistication of technology while the bottom comprises public
clinics at the community level in cities and at the township level in
the countryside. Grassroots clinics, amid a market-oriented reform
approach and further shrinkage of government subsidies, found themselves
short of funds for surgery and development. According to Chen, subsidies
have dropped from 30 percent of total medical expenses to around 16
percent. In the process, most people lost confidence in the quality of
community medical health.
With the decline of public clinics, private clinics began to mushroom.
According to latest figures released by Ministry of Health, China’s
non-profitable health bodies stand at 134,000 while profitable ones
total 152,000. While only the rich can afford to go to private clinics
as such treatment is usually not covered by social security, the
majority of the urban population has to choose between the overcrowded
big hospitals and the crumbling community hospitals. Although the
outpatient registration fee for an expert at a big hospital could be
more than 25 times that at a community clinic for a similar service,
people often choose the former to play it safe.
“The government’s new move in medical reform is aimed at trying to
dilute the middle level of the system and emphasize the bottom level of
grassroots clinics,” said Chen. According to the Ministry of Health, by
the end of 2005, China had 17,000 community clinics, which is more than
a doubling of itself in three years. They serviced 59.4 million
outpatients, more than 20 percent of China’s urban population.
According to a circular on the development of grassroots clinics issued
by the Central Government this August, community clinics have six
objectives: disease prevention, health consultation, medical treatment,
rehabilitation, health education and family planning.
According to Chen, another important function of the grassroots clinics
is to act as a “gatekeeper” of big hospitals, ensuring that critically
ill patients can be transferred to big hospitals on time, besides
providing quality service for outpatients.
“The development of grassroots clinics is all about making the
distribution of medical resources fairer,” said Chen, “so that every one
can share the achievements of our rapid economic growth.”
Limited resources
Statistics from the Ministry of Health for 2005 indicate that doctors at
grassroots clinics diagnosed and treated about 13 patients daily on
average. This workload keeps doctors busy receiving outpatients and
leaves them with little time for other tasks such as disease prevention
and health awareness education.
According to the August circular on developing grassroots clinics, they
will be staffed with two to three general practitioners, one public
health doctor, and three to four nurses for every 10,000 people.
Although Yan Li’s 16-person clinic- including six doctors of traditional
Chinese medicine, one general practitioner and three nurses-meet the
staffing requirement in terms of numbers, she still feels the acute
shortage of hands. For a lecture on diabetes care, for example, she has
to carefully apportion the work among her 16 staffers for contacting the
expert, preparing the conference room and helping senile attendees climb
the stairs, besides regular outpatient care.
But what was even worse than inadequate staffing was the lack of
professional training, she said. “I hear that community health care has
developed to an advanced level in the United States,” said Yan. “Their
community clinics have professional care managers who have received
comprehensive training and even their volunteers can educate the public
on health awareness in a professional manner. People in that country can
have all their health care and consultation needs met from cradle to
grave without leaving their community. We still have a long way to go.”
“The quality of the medical staff is the key to a functional
community-based clinic network,” said Chen. “China has a very small
number of general practitioners of international standards. While
foreign medical schools offer a major in general practice, it is a
relatively new concept in China.”
However, as community clinics develop in big cities such as Beijing,
Shanghai and Shenzhen, more and more comprehensive hospitals are
starting their trial programs to train qualified general practitioners.
For example, Fuxing Hospital in Beijing set up a training center for
general practitioners in 2005. The training programs include offering
clinic staff temporary work opportunities in hospitals and starting a
master’s course for general practitioners with more than four years’
working experience.
Yan Li, who has been working in the clinic since graduation from a
medical college in 2002, assumed the position of acting director this
April. When asked whether the promotion was a reward for her diligence,
the young doctor said, “A better reward would be sending me to a
hospital ward for training. I would look forward to it.”
(The Daily Mail-Beijing Review Articles Exchange
Item)
Islam not against woman’s rule
Col (R) M. Zaman Malik
During 1964 presidential election between Field Marshal Ayub Khan and
Miss Fatima Jinnah this issue had come in limelight and at that time
almost all the religious parties had supported Miss Fatima Jinnah. Later
on, when Benazir Bhutto was holding office of Prime Minister, some of
PML (N) Ulema tried to create confusion about this issue. On October
1993 a columnist quoted an excerpt from Maulana Kausar Niazi’s letter to
Maulana Maudoodi and tried to give an impression that Maulana Niazi had
subscribed to the views of the general body of Ulema who opposed a woman
becoming the head of state or government. This, indeed, was a crude
attempt at distorting the facts.
Some ulema refer to verse 34 in Surah Nissa which states ‘men are the
protectors and maintainers of women’. The Arabic word ‘Qawwam’ does not
necessarily mean a ruler as is generally believed. In the two famous
works on Arabic Loxicology, namely “Lissan-ul-Arab” and “Taj”, “Qawwam”
has been defined as a maintainer and protector. In the above – mentioned
verse, the Holy Quran further states “and because they support them (the
women) with their means”. This shows that the connotation of the word
“Qawwam” refers to the expenditure which the men have to incur on the
maintenance of women. As against this, the Holy Quran in Surah Namal
relates the story of Hazrat Bilqees who was a democratic ruler. She
continued as a ruler of Hazrat Suleman. Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi, in
one of his famous religious pronouncements, states that there is no
evidence to show that Hazrat Bilqees had abdicated power. Based on this,
Maulana Thanvi concludes that it has been explicitly proved by the Holy
Quran that in a democratic state a woman can be a ruler.” Those ulema
who oppose the rule of a woman at best quote only one Hadith in which
the narrator says: “during the course of battle of Jamal my fears were
set at rest by the saying of holy Prophet (SAW) in which he is reported
to have observed that (when Iranians accepted as ruler the daughter of
their monarch) that “the people who accepted a woman as their ruler can
never succeed.”
This makes it clear that the reported saying of the Holy Prophet was
quoted when Hazrat Ayesha (RA) led an army of Muslims demanding
punishment for the assassination of Hazrat Uthman (RA). It seems that
this saying was quoted to prove that Hazrat Ayesha (RA) was wrong.
However, none of the narrators of this tradition belong to Makka or
Medina. “Obviously, this tradition is not clearly reliable. Allama
Jalalud Din Sayuti (RA) has quoted Imam Shafi as saying that the
traditions which are not in the knowledge of the people of Makka and
Medina cannot be relied upon.”
Russian Empress Catherine is familiar to all and heir’s was a golden
period for Russian history. The peace and tranquillity enjoyed by the
Russian people during her reign has no parallel in Russian history. For
the three/ four succeeding generations women have been the monarchs of
Holland. Empress Will-Hellena ruled over Holland for a long time and
when she grew very old she abdicated in favour of her daughter, Juliana,
who remained Holland’s queen for over 25 years. She, in turn,
relinquished the throne in favour of her daughter who has been ruling
Holland for several years. The reign of her mother and grand mother is
considered, without any doubt, a golden period of Dutch history.
Queen Victoria is a household name in the Sub – continent. Prior to her,
Queen Elizabeth -1 left behind indelible marks on the British history.
Both of them considered the British nation’s heroines. In terms of the
expansions of the Empire and its armed might, Britain assumed the status
of an imperial power during their reigns. Incidentally, Queen
Elizabeth-2 has been on the throne of England for the last four decades.
Under her a woman Prime minister, Mrs Margaret Thatcher, on account of
her aggressive policies, came to be known as the “Iron Lady.”
Interestingly enough Pakistani Ulema who chose to criticize woman’s rule
consider England the only place where they can get the best treatment
for all their ailments.
Luxemburg is a tiny state in Europe. A Dutch queen ruled over Luxemburg
for over 60 years to be succeeded by a woman who continued to reign with
great success. “Take the case of Golda Meir of Israel, Indirah Gandhi of
India and Mrs Bandaranaike of Sri lanka, who remained prime ministers in
the recent past.” Muslims can refer to queen Shajarat-ud-Dur, daughter
of Emperor Najamud Din of Egypt, Queen Al-Arab Wasalam of Yemen, Queen
Turkham Khatoon of Suljuk dynasty. Queen Razia Sultana and Chand- bib of
the Sub-continent. Sonia Gandhi was Prime minister of India in the late
1980s and is again the virtual Queen of India.
Times have changed. Presently the Imam of a mosque would not deliver a
sermon unless the loudspeaker is switched on. There was a time when
anybody who ventured to question the fatwa that film was haram used to
be branded as kafir. Religious preachers now consider the telecast of
their sermon a great service to Islam. There was a time when men and
women could not participate in any meeting together. This was considered
anti-Islamic.
Musharraf’s bold initiative on Kashmir
Nasim Zehra
There is a tempest brewing in
a teapot over President Pervez Musharraf’s recent remarks allegedly
indicating an abrupt change in Pakistan’s Kashmir policy. In his Dec. 5
interview to Indian television NDTV, President Musharraf merely
reiterated his position how he believed progress over Kashmir was
possible. A similar position was also held by former Prime Minister
Nawaz Sharif but media hype and exploitation of the issue by vested
interests and politicians combined to promote an uninformed and frenzied
discourse on Kashmir. This also mirrors how the Indian opposition party
BJP, which actually initiated the peace process and the idea of “give
and take” on Kashmir, is publicly resisting any initiative the Congress
takes on Kashmir.
In his Dec. 5 interview, President Musharraf again conveyed Pakistan’s
willingness to take bold steps to resolve the half-century old issue.
Advocating the need for flexibility in traditional positions on Kashmir,
Musharraf was clear that if Delhi showed flexibility, so would Pakistan.
To illustrate the point he said that were Delhi to move forward on
conceding political rights concerning Kashmir, Islamabad too would give
up its claim to Kashmir.
Musharraf has proactively sought to break the logjam on the lingering
conflict. He has practically pushed forward the Lahore process which
zeroed in on seeking a fast-paced solution to the Kashmir issue. He
began with the 2001 Agra summit, where he first introduced the notion of
a four-step formula, which included knocking out solutions unacceptable
to Pakistan and India and to opt for only solutions acceptable to
Pakistanis, Indians and Kashmiris.
Subsequently, in his Nov. 18, 2003 interview with Reuters, Musharraf
first publicly conveyed the government’s readiness to go beyond “stated
positions.” He was clear that a resolution would require that “both
sides talk to each other with flexibility...coming beyond stated
positions...coming and meeting half way somewhere.”
Finally, in the April 2005 Delhi summit, Musharraf first introduced the
four-point-formula seeking a phased withdrawal of troops; local
self-governance; free movement of Kashmiris across the LOC and a joint
supervision mechanism in Jammu and Kashmir involving India, Pakistan and
the Kashmiris. Obviously, Musharraf was not announcing changes in
Pakistan’s Kashmir policy but outlined the extent of flexibility
Islamabad was willing to bring in its position.
None of this is completely new. Musharraf is attempting to encourage the
Indians to move forward. His moves do convey some salient features of a
dynamic Kashmir policy. For example, following are five key features of
Pakistan’s Kashmir policy. One: Islamabad has demonstrated that while it
views the UN resolutions providing the legal framework for the Kashmiri
case for the right to self-determination, Pakistan will go beyond the UN
resolutions that offer the state-integration option requiring the
Kashmiris to integrate into Pakistan or India.
Two: the first clear articulation in recent years of Pakistan’s actual
position taken at the UN that Pakistan supports the Kashmiris’ right to
self-determination, that is, the right of the Kashmiris to determine
their own political future. Pakistan has sought Kashmiri integration
with Pakistan.
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