China, Africa friendship & revival in new century
Chris Alden

China’s emergence as a key player in Africa, the impact of its presence and its challenges to traditional Western pre-eminence in African economies are one of the hallmarks of the 21st century. Two-way trade, which stood at less than $1 billion in 2000, has surged to nearly $40 billion in 2006, while in the same period China’s share of Africa’s trade has jumped from 2.6 percent to over 6 percent, making it the continent’s third largest trading partner after the United States and France. Africa has featured high on the Chinese diplomatic circuit, benefiting from no less than three major tours in the last year by Chinese leaders as well as a heads of state summit in Beijing this November. And, while a decade ago China only had a limited presence in Africa, today there are hundreds of major Chinese businesses, bolstered by tens of thousands of Chinese laborers, retailers and tourists. African businesses are also linking up with Chinese partners and, together, are exploring investment opportunities both in Africa and China itself.
China’s engagement with Africa
China’s contemporary engagement with Africa is not “new” but in fact has its roots in policies pursued since the mid-1950s as well as earlier historical precedents. Africa in the Cold War era was seen primarily by Chinese leaders as a terrain for ideological competition with the Soviet Union and the United States, as well as the remaining European influences. This took the form of Chinese diplomatic and military support in southern Africa for liberation movements and the construction of the TanZam Railway. Moreover, Chinese officials recognized that, with their numerical advantage in the [UN] General Assembly and anti-colonial perspective, independent African states held the key to removing the Taiwan [regime] from its official status as occupant of the coveted permanent seat on the UN Security Council.
The onset of the contemporary phase in China-Africa relations began in the wake of Deng Xiaoping’s domestic economic successes and the growing confidence that is instilled in the country. His successor, Jiang Zemin, toured Africa in May 1996, at which time he presented the “Five-point Proposal” that established the terms of a new relationship with Africa, centering on [the principles of] a reliable friendship, sovereign equality and non-intervention, mutually beneficial development and international cooperation. The accompanying dynamics of Chinese re-engagement with Africa that followed can be seen in three dimensions: an economic rationale, a diplomatic rationale and a broader set of concerns linked to China’s interests.
African resources and new markets. Energy resources remain the most important focus of China’s involvement on the continent but it must be recognized that other natural resources play a critical role as well. With regard to oil, China’s overall “outward movement” strategy of engaging developing countries and locking in resources through government-to-government agreements, launched in earnest after 1993, has brought about a recognition in Beijing of the dangers of political instability from Middle Eastern sources. Currently, less than 30 percent of all of China’s oil requirements are sourced from Africa and that is set to expand further with the recent purchase of stakes in West Africa.
At the same time, competition for other natural resources, including strategic minerals, timber and fisheries, as well as the opening of new markets for its products, are playing a part in diversifying the content of Chinese involvement in Africa. The commodities boom has been driven by China’s need for material such as nickel, copper, gold and titanium. West African timber in particular continues to attract Chinese investment (60 percent of Africa’s tropical timber exports are to China), while Chinese companies have moved quickly to become leaders in the area of physical infrastructure development (roads, railroads and major public buildings) as well as telecommunications development on the continent.
Though Africa represents a small market for consumer goods itself, nonetheless trade with China has had a significant impact in two ways. In the first instance, China has been able to find a market for its low-value consumer goods that are brought in by Chinese-dominated import companies and sold through a growing informal network of trading posts across urban and rural Africa. Another dimension of Chinese interests is its new investment in industries that are geared to markets based in the United States and Europe.
Development assistance and diplomacy. Development assistance, though still relatively limited in nature to date, occupies an increasingly important part of China’s relations with Africa. Africa receives the largest percentage of China’s development assistance (44 percent, or $1.8 billion), with Official Development Assistance divided between tied aid, outright grants to recipients, a limited number of loans and new mechanisms such as government guarantees for sectoral investment in the region. According to Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao, Chinese aid in 2005 alone amounted to $44.4 million. This assistance includes funding of the civil service in the Central African Republic and Liberia, and providing a substantial loan to an Angolan Government reluctant to turn to the International Monetary Fund. Training programs in technical areas such as hydro-irrigation and small-scale agricultural production involving thousands of African farmers have served to transfer China’s experience to Africa. In addition, China has provided Algeria with a nuclear reactor and modern telecommunications equipment in Ethiopia and Djibouti, as well as accompanying training programs to maintain this equipment.
The announcement of debt forgiveness to 31 African countries, amounting to $1.27 billion, at the second China-Africa Cooperation Forum in 2003 and aid donations to a number of states, are a further expression of this symbolic drive. This was supplemented by a decision to exempt duties on 190 export items from Africa’s poorest countries.
Finally, in the area of humanitarianism, China has broken its own past precedents and sent 600 peacekeepers into Liberia, representing recognition of the importance of participating in UN-sanctioned operations that promote stability. It has also provided financial support to combat drought on the Horn of Africa amounting to $200,000 in 1999 and $610,000 in humanitarian assistance in 2004 to address the Darfur crisis. In a dramatic step aimed at countering critics of its role in Sudan, the Chinese Government announced in 2006 that it would be providing $3.5 million in support of African Union peacekeeping operations in that strife-torn region.
Forging strategic partnerships. A key dimension of Chinese foreign policy at the global level is an overriding concern with Western hegemony. This concern has manifested itself in a search for strategic partners with whom Beijing can make common cause around issues that reflect their shared interests. These interests center on mutual respect for state sovereignty as a guiding principle of the international system and the non-intervention in domestic affairs of states. As significant players in multilateral organizations, African states have demonstrated a long-standing commitment to international institutions and the ideas of multilateralism. In the words of Premier Wen Jiabao in Addis Ababa last December, “China is ready to coordinate its positions with African countries in the process of international economic rules formulation and multilateral trade negotiations.”
Forging future partnerships
Africa has responded with enthusiasm to the return of the Chinese to a position of prominence in continental affairs. Underlying the positive attitude adopted by African governments and society is the recognition that China provides new sources of foreign direct investment (FDI) and development assistance, actively supports existing regimes irrespective of their political orientation, and can serve as an important strategic partner that can counter Western influence on the international stage. For those Africans concerned about aspects of Chinese engagement, however, there are worries about job losses due to competition with Chinese industry. Some concerns at the use of Chinese labor for large infrastructure projects and, in some selected instances, poor labor practices by a few Chinese businesses.
In tourism, the rise of a Chinese middle class with spending power and interest in leisure travel has broadened the pool of tourists in an area of great importance to many African economies. For instance, South Africa has benefited from this official status, with the number of Chinese tourists more than tripling in June 2003 alone from 962 to 3,423.
Linked to the positive response to growing Chinese economic involvement has been the effect that Beijing’s Africa policy has had for African governments. Chinese engagement has provided a new source of regime stability in Africa. Governments in Sudan and Zimbabwe, which have been subjected to a variety of international sanctions over their human rights policies over a period of years, have benefited from China’s explicit “no conditionalities” policy toward the continent. At the same time, while much of the attention has been on China’s willingness to provide diplomatic succor to international—or perhaps more to the point, Western designated—pariah regimes, the fact of the matter is that this unprecedented level of attention is having an impact on all African governments. The spectacle of the leaders of one of the world’s powers regularly visiting the continent and meeting with African leaders makes a strong impression on African governments and the public at large.
The Third Forum on Sino-African Cooperation provides an opportunity to highlight the progress made in relations over the last decade. The symbolic attractive power of China, a once impoverished country victimized by Western imperialism and later held back by its own pursuit of inappropriate forms of socialism, clearly resonates with African elites looking for a positive development model from the “Third World.” The 21st century is sure to see a strengthening of ties between the two regions.

(The Daily Mail-Beijing Review  Articles Exchange Item)



Will Nato succeed In Afghanistan?
Saifullah Khan

NATO is assisting the Afghan authorities in providing security and stability, paving the way for reconstruction and effective governance. NATO’s role is a key part of the Afghanistan Compact launched on 31 January 2006. It is a five-year plan between the government of Afghanistan and the international community, which sets goals relating to the security, governance and economic development of the country.
NATO is leading some 20,000 troops from 37 countries and 13 Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) in the north, west and south of the country. On 31 July 2006, NATO took command of the international military forces in southern Afghanistan from the US-led Coalition.  Now, more than 8,000 NATO-led forces are providing support to the Afghan authorities in the south. This is NATO’s first and largest ground operation outside Europe.
The NATO has a Senior Civilian Representative, responsible for advancing the political-military aspects of the Alliance’s commitment to the country, which works closely with ISAF, liaises with the Afghan government and other international organisations, and maintains contacts with neighbouring countries. Currently the representative is Ambassador Daan W. Everts, who has studied at the universities of Brandeis (USA), Baroda (India), and Groningen (the Netherlands). Many believe that he is politically influenced by the several Indian Consulates in Afghanistan working to promote Indian interests.
On 2 September 2006, NATO launched operations in the South code named “Operation Medusa” aimed at crushing the Taliban resurgence but has met with stiff resistance. Pakistan has also stepped up its fight against the Taliban. According to Agence France Pakistani police arrested 14 suspected Taliban fighters on 12 September in the southwestern city of Quetta. The group was fleeing fighting in southern Afghanistan. Pakistan has deployed almost 90,000 soldiers on her country’s border with Afghanistan to tackle insurgents.
The strength of the Taliban has surprised NATO which is crying for reinforcements. In view of the high number of casualties taking place, member states are not forthcoming, further complicating its task. NATO was expecting the Taliban to use classic hit-and-run guerrilla tactics. Instead it has been carrying out frontal attacks, losing many men, but still inflicting losses. There appears to be no shortage of fighters to replace the killed and wounded. The intensity and ferocity is far greater than in Iraq. The NATO has used B1 bombers, Harriers and Mirage 2000s dropping bombs as large as 2000 lbs. But some say that any movement on the ground gets ambushed.
The fighters have been strengthened by the controversial opium poppy eradication programme which has seen farmers, with crops destroyed without compensation, become a recruiting pool for the Taliban. But the Afghan government is adamant that the eradication must continue. Preachers speaking against the Taliban have been assassinated, without receiving the protection promised by Afghan government forces. Hence the security situation remains fragile.
The war on terrorism in Afghanistan has taken an ugly turn with the Taliban inflicting unprecedented losses on the NATO and ISAF. The morale of NATO soldiers is at an all times low. Despite having tremendous firepower and strength NATO is losing men. In September 2006, an official of the Indian Consulate speaking at a gathering of officials of the Afghan Ministry of Defence stated that Captain Leo Docherty of the British task force in Southern Helmand Province resigned in August on the ground that NATO had deviated from the original plan of improving security situation, initiating developing projects and enabling Afghans for good governance.
Today we are witnessing a situation that existed prior to the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan in 1989. The Soviets fielded an occupation force of 100,000 soldiers which failed miserably. The Afghans have a history of uniting against outsiders and they are doing the same today. The Americans are gradually distancing themselves from Afghanistan with the NATO now on the front lines. This may probably be a face saving exercise by the US to attribute a possible withdrawal to NATO, absolving herself of failure. As the situation goes, NATO is bound to fail unless it comes up with some brilliant strategy to win the hearts and minds of the Afghans, thereby quelling the insurgency.


Havoc in Indian Held Kashmir
Mamoona Ali Kazmi

The history of atrocities in Indian held Kashmir is as old as the dispute itself. Recently, as a protest against inhumane treatment of Kashmiris by Indian army and various other security agencies, the Chairman Human Rights Commission of Indian occupied Kashmir Justice A. M. Mir gave resignation. He said, “State Human Rights Commission (SHRC) is just a ruse to befool the international community that human rights of people are being respected”.
Ironically, human rights are violated on large scale in the so-called world’s largest democracy. To crush the Kashmiri Liberation movement, India has employed various techniques including black laws. Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA), Terrorist and Disruptive Activities Act 1990 (TADA) and Armed Forces Special Powers Act 1990, (AFSPA) are enforced in Kashmir despite the fact that they contravenes the Indian Constitution and international law. These laws violate the basic human rights such as right to life, the right to liberty and security of the person and the right to remedy. The Armed Forces (Jammu & Kashmir) Special Powers enforced on 10 September, 1990 authorized even a non-commissioned officer to search any place, fire at any person (and kill), or arrest on the basis of suspicion. TADA gives security forces and armed forces special powers for unauthorized administrative detention without formal charges or trial for up to one year. Under POTA, any person can be put into prison for not disclosing the information that can prevent an act of terrorism.
The International humanitarian organizations such as Amnesty International condemned these draconian laws. According to Amnesty International TADA gives a license to kill. Wide powers of arrest granted under TADA, combined with the absence of fundamental legal safeguards for detainees, create a climate, which encourages abuse of power and facilitates illegal and secret detention. AFSPA violates provisions of International human rights law, including the right to life, the right to remedy and the rights to be free from arbitrary deprivation of liberty and from torture and cruel inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. The Amnesty International is of the view that the POTA continue to be used to detain political opponents and members of minority populations.
Currently, 700,000 Indian army troops are deployed in occupied Kashmir to crush the Kashmiri freedom movement. The Indian occupational forces have killed more than 91,168 innocent Kashmiris, 38,450 rendered disable or crippled for life and 30,000 women have been raped and molested. More than 105,238 hoses and shops have been destroyed and 106,755 have become orphaned in Jammu and Kashmir, since 1989. According to the Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons 8,000 to 10,000 Kashmiris disappeared mysteriously in Indian Held Kashmir from 1989-2003, while the Asian Centre for Human Rights put the figure at six thousand. Up till July 2006 number of innocent Kashmiris in Indian custody accounted to 3,735.
The condition of Kashmiris detained in different jails of the occupied Kashmir is worse than that of those in Abu Gharib prison in Iraq. The interrogation methods and manners used in these jails are ghastly. Lord Eric Aveybury, Chairman, British Parliamentary Human Rights Group has described Indian atrocities as, “The atrocities committed by Indian imperialists in occupied Kashmir surpass brutalities of apartheid regime in South Africa or of Nazis 50 years ago”.
Arundhati Roy, a well respected Indian writer, while speaking in New York in May 2006, said: “The biggest myth of all times is that India is a democracy. In reality, it is not. Several states in India are on the verge of civil war…. In the Kashmir valley alone, some 80,000 people have been killed. In Iraq, there are 1, 50,000 military personnel whereas in Kashmir valley there are some 7, 00,000”. Human rights organizations are routinely denied permission to investigate in a free manner. Media-men are being attacked and arrested. Humanitarian relief is limited as external agencies are not being allowed to provide medical assistance and other relief materials.