Economic & strategic
importance of Balochistan
Zafar Khan
Indeed, Balochistan is one of the major provinces amongst the four
provinces of Pakistan. With vast territory and less population, it has
the common border with Afghanistan in northwest, Iran in the west and in
the southwest it has links with the Middle Eastern States and onwards to
the Gulf regions. Balochistan is a richly mountainous region, most of
them hard and tough but surely enriched by the hidden natural resources
whose economic benefits and long lasting strategic impacts can never be
denied.
If we closely analyze the given historical background, we will come to
know that this province has played a greater strategic role in the past.
This province had been an important strategic location for the
Britishers before the partition to contain the Great Russian powers in
Afghanistan and in this context they had to fight three major wars with
Afghanistan. Thus, Afghanistan with its rise and fall was made as a
Buffer State between the British-India and Russia.
The New Cold war started in 1979 between the two major powers USSR and
US in the wake of the period of normalization namely called the “The
Period of Détente” which lasted for almost a decade.
This was when Russia the then USSR finally intervened into Afghanistan
and through it, desired to approach the Province Balochistan and lastly
the cherished dreams of the Russians to reach to the warm waters.
This was considered to be neither in the very interest of Pakistan nor
in the strategic interest of the Russian counterpart US. We thus
experienced, in the context of strategic importance of Balochistan, the
influx of a huge aid into Pakistan and through this province
Balochistan, Russia was contained.
Now once again the US along with the major powers has focused their
attention to meet their interests. When on 9/11 the US World Trade
Center was attacked by the terrorist elements, the US, immediately
declared the war on terrorism blaming Taliban regime for the said
terrorist attack. Afghanistan was the first country to be attacked and
the Taliban Government was toppled. This was all possible due to the
strategic attraction of Balochistan.
Therefore, it will not be wrong to say that this province is the central
hub for the socio-economic and strategic attractions.
Amongst all the mega projects, Gwadar port is one of the major projects
that has to be built finally. It is the port with whose construction not
only Pakistan but also other family states will meet their interests and
seek opportunities of trading through this region.
This will invite economic opportunities to the people of Pakistan, in
general and Balochistan, in particular. The fishing industries will
greatly be boated up and lots of fish would be exported to European
states and other states in Asia, America and the Middle East thereby
attracting lots of revenue. This will further bring economic stability
in the region alleviating poverty and backwardness.
The genuine economic importance of this region can also be not denied
when we see three major programs of Gas Pipelines into this province
from Qatar, Iran and Turkmenistan.
If we closely analyze the three major projects, we will surely come to
know that the pipeline project from Iran at the present scenario is more
feasible and convincing as compared to other two-mega projects: for
instance, Turkmenistan is a mountainous area and there are lots of
zigzags for the pipeline to be passed through Afghanistan into
Balochistan and there are also security problems in both Turkmenistan
and Afghanistan.
While the gas pipeline from Iran can said to be more easing to be
launched on the following reasons: First, the passage is plain and there
are not any hurdles on carrying out this project. Second, the distance
is not too long. But we can also see the shortcomings of this project
that for the time being it might not well be materialized.
First, there have been US economic sanctions on Iran since 1979 and
according to the US law, passed by the name ILSA in 1995, which reads
that Iran cannot initiate any project that could cast more than $ 20
million while the current project on the table is of more than $ 5
billion. Pakistan argues that it would earn up to $600 million a year
from the pipeline, which is close to the about $700 million Islamabad
receives from Washington. The pipeline will also allow Pakistan to
import about $ 1 billion gas every year from Iran.
Moreover, the pipeline project will create a major industrial
infrastructure in Pakistan and generate new jobs, but we will have yet
to see this how much US pressurizes Iran-Pakistan and India either to
launch the project or not and whether the US probably would attack on
Iran or not and if these states launch such project, what would be the
reaction of the US?
These are the indicators that have yet to be seen and closely analyzed
by the experts of all the states including the US whose interests in the
South Asian Region most importantly in the province of Balochistan in
terms of war on terrorism, futuristic economic opportunities and
strategic location cannot be denied.
Intrinsically, Balochistan, both economically and strategically, would
link the Central Asian States with the Gulf region including the Middle
Eastern States providing a transit route with lots of avenues of
economic opportunities, foreign investment, poverty alleviation and the
removal of hunger, illiteracy and backwardness.
In order to bring all such mega projects to a success, there is a need
of proper, management, coordination and smooth communication between the
province of Balochistan and the federal government.
The people of Balochistan are bold, courageous, forward looking and
compromising and are ready to go along with the objectives of Federal
government if they are blessed with their fundamental rights and equal
shares. The socio-eco-politico and strategic importance of this region
can no longer be ignored. Therefore, it is intelligent to come to common
terms of better understanding and move shoulder to shoulder to meet the
supreme interest of the entire nation because this is not the question
of one person or one province but here we talk of the interest of all as
a whole.
So we will all have to travel in the same ship and benefit each other’s
goals to meet both shorter and longer objectives for future of Pakistan
through Balcohistan seems too be bright if all the misunderstandings and
security problems are avoided.
On the other hand both India and Pakistan should push the peace
initiatives and the process of normalization based on current CBMs to
resolve all the outstanding issues including the core issue of Kashmir.
The current acceptance of Afghanistan as a permanent member in the SAARC
organization is appreciative along with China and Japan who are given
the “observer status”.
Both China and Japan would likely be given the permanent seats in the
said SAARC organization in the coming years.
It seems that South Asian Region would get further shrink and might
attract other powers too in terms of the true reality of Globalization.
Iran might be predicated to be the member of this organization once the
two economic giants China and Japan become its permanent members so
would be the case of Russia. This is the time of globalization and
economic competition whoever meets its interests would likely be termed
as the winner of the course.
Therefore, there are greater opportunities along with the challenges for
Pakistan to meet its own interests through the contemporary situations
to understand the current moves of the globalization and the Great Game
of the world powers with better understanding. I
f there comes the question of the greater interest of the nation, we
will have to follow the fundamentals of the National Integrat-ion, but
at the same times coordination and understanding amongst all the
provinces and the federal government must also be kept into
consideration so that such misunderstandings and brawls on the trifle
elements must not occur during the developing stages of any mega
projects. God Almighty has blessed this region with greater
socio-eco-politico and strategic importance. Therefore, we will have to
handle everything with greater care, intelligence and applied tactics to
benefit not only the people of this province Balochistan but also to
benefit the entire Nation.
Growing support for Iraqi resistance
Haifa Hussain
The
photograph of an elderly Iraqi carrying the burned body of a child at
Fallujah, widely shown during the chemical weapons controversy of recent
days, is almost a copy of an earlier one that Iraqis remember — from
Halabja in March 1988. Both children were victims of chemical weapons:
The first killed by a dictator who had no respect for democracy and
human rights, the second by US troops, assisted by the British, carrying
the colorful banner of those principles while sprinkling Iraqis with
white phosphorus and depleted uranium.
The Fallujah image is emblematic of an unjust occupation. We read last
week that US troops were “stunned by what they found” during a raid on a
Ministry of Interior building: More than a hundred prisoners, many of
whom “appeared to have been brutally beaten” and to be malnourished.
There were also reports of dead bodies showing “signs of severe
torture”. Hussein Kamel, the deputy interior minister, was “stunned”
too. This feigned surprise is a farce second only to the WMD lie.
Torture has continued as under Saddam’s regime in detention centers,
prisons, camps and secret cells well beyond Abu Ghraib.
While the US and British governments have spent the 30 months of
occupation arguing for the legality of chemical weapons and the
“usefulness” of torture to extract information, Iraqis have been engaged
in a different struggle: To survive the increasingly harsh occupation,
and to define democracy and human rights accordingly. Experiences of
collective punishment, random arrest and killing are the defining
features.
On Oct. 16, for example, a group of adults and children gathered around
a burned Humvee on the edge of Ramadi. There was a crater in the road,
left by a bomb that had killed five US soldiers and two Iraqi soldiers
the previous day. Some of the children were playing hide and seek, and
others laughing while pelting the vehicle with stones, when a US F-15
fighter jet fired on the crowd. The US military said subsequently it had
killed 70 insurgents in air strikes, and knew of no civilian deaths.
Among the “insurgents” killed were six-year-old Muhammad Salih Ali, who
was buried in a plastic bag after relatives collected what they believed
to be parts of his body; four-year-old Saad Ahmed Fuad; and his
eight-year-old sister, Haifa, who had to be buried without one of her
legs as her family were unable to find it.
US forces increasingly use airstrikes to reduce their own casualties.
They also work with Iraqi forces on search-and-destroy missions to
retaliate after a successful attack on their troops, or to intimidate
the population ahead of a US-choreographed political process.
Most Iraqis are indifferent to the political timetable imposed by the
occupiers — from the nominal handover of sovereignty to the bizarre
three months of sectarian and ethnic wrangling about the interim
government and the declaration of a “yes” vote on the draft constitution
by US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice within hours of the ballot
boxes closing. They think the whole process is intended to divert their
attention from the main issues — the occupation, corruption, pillaging
of Iraq’s resources, and the interim government’s failure on human
rights.
A recent Human Rights Watch report gave fresh details of torture of
detainees by US forces in Iraq. At a military base near Fallujah,
Mercury, abuse was not only overlooked but sometimes ordered. The report
describes routine, severe beatings of prisoners, and the application of
burning chemicals to detainees’ eyes and skin, to make them glow in the
dark. Thousands have been kept for more than a year without charge or
trial, including the writer Muhsin Al-Khafaji, who was arrested in May
2003.
Women are taken as hostages by US soldiers to persuade fugitive male
relatives to surrender or confess to terrorist acts. Sarah Taha Al-Jumaily,
20, from Fallujah, was arrested twice: On Oct. 8 she was accused of
being the daughter of Musab Al-Zarqawi, despite her father, a member of
a pan-Arab party, having been detained by US troops for more than two
months; and on Oct. 19 she was arrested and accused of being a
terrorist. Hundreds of people demonstrated, and workers went on strike
to demand her release. The Interior Ministry states that 122 women
remain detained, charged with the novel crime of being “potential
suicide bombers”.
As large-scale US-led military operations continue, the health situation
on the ground is at breaking point. The Iraqi health infrastructure,
doctors and hospital staff are unable to cope with the deepening
humanitarian crisis. No wonder more Iraqis are supporting the
resistance.
Armed resistance is in accordance with the 1978 UN General Assembly
resolution that reaffirmed “the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples
for independence ... from ... foreign occupation by all available means,
particularly armed struggle”. The Iraqi National Foundation Congress (INFC),
an umbrella group of parties and civil society organizations, is leading
political resistance. There is also civil and community resistance,
involving mosques, women’s organizations, human-rights groups and
unions, which are linking up with international anti-war groups and
anti-globalization movements.
Most Iraqis believe that they have a right to more than a semblance of
independence. The lesson history taught us in Vietnam, that stubborn
national resistance can wear down the most powerful armies, is now being
learned in Iraq.
French musings
Faisal Abbas
I have been following the events in France over the last few weeks with
increasing alarm. From the beginning I was struck by the similarities
between what is happening there with what is happening here. The French
are facing the problem of integrating a large number of foreign people
(mostly, but, not exclusively Arab and Muslim) into their society.
This problem began when France, along with other European countries,
imported large numbers of laborers right after the end of World War II
to help in the rebuilding of France and to fill the large gap in the
labor market. The effort led the way to the swift recovery of the French
economy and the resulting boom in the postwar period.
This country following the oil boom of the 1970s had a similar need for
a large influx of skilled and unskilled labor to meet the huge demands
of our expanding economy that was coupled with an equally huge shortage
of Saudi labor. The solution for us was to do what the French did in the
postwar period.
There was and is a big difference with the way we have dealt with this
group of people, who are proportionately of greater numbers here than in
France. In France many of the workers were given French citizenship in
recognition of their long stay and the continued need for their
services.
The French believed that they would be able to integrate them seamlessly
within their society and absorb them by erasing their national or ethnic
identity and turning them into French clones. The problem is that the
French did this in ways that were deemed by their targets to be
inappropriate and insensitive to their culture and beliefs.
This coupled with a certain amount of perceived racism on behalf of
French authorities has led to a great sense of alienation of this group.
It was this that contributed to triggering the events of the last few
weeks. Here in Saudi Arabia we have, on the other hand, resisted giving
citizenship to members of this group as much as possible. We have
cherished the idea that at some point they would all just go away.
Unfortunately, there is no sign that we can do without them yet and that
they will all go away.
We have instead offered work permits coupled with a curious system we
call “Kafala”. The idea behind “Kafala”, which means surety, is that a
person is given a permit to stay in the country to work under the
responsibility and surety of a Saudi. Needless to say, this has led to a
number of abuses without any obvious benefit to Saudi business or
society.
In addition, there are restrictions on foreign workers’ right to be
treated in Saudi state hospitals and to educate their children in Saudi
state schools. They are also banned from sending their children to state
universities. This is in sharp contrast with France where immigrants are
treated in state hospitals at state expense and no restrictions are
applied in the education of their children in state schools or
universities. The French even provide pensions to immigrants and free
housing.
All this, however, did not prevent the rioting of the last two weeks.
The main reason being that the young people of that community are tired
of living on government handouts that are demeaning to them. They would
rather work and earn their living thereby gaining self-respect.
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