Day after: Inconvenient
questions over an epic tragedy
A. Masroor
NO WORDS, no pictures could capture in its full measure the enormity and
the magnitude of human pain and suffering that descended on Pakistan and
Azad Kashmir on October 8 by one of the worst earthquakes in world
history. The death count is still mounting and may eventually go beyond
200,000 lives — the toll that Asian tsunami of December 2004 had
extracted from 12 countries. The weeklong rescue efforts mounted by the
people of Pakistan and the world capitals has so far proved to be too
inadequate for the survivors and those thousands who are still trapped
in the rubble and debris.
A bigger challenge is to bring the emotional drained survivors out of
their trauma and help the living dead back to a normal life. Just
imagine a girl of 13 who all through her life had known nothing but the
loving care of her parents and the cheerful company of her brothers and
sisters, knowing nothing about how her father managed to feed her and
from where did come her fine dresses. Now this girl is standing all
alone in bitter cold with no shelter over her head and not knowing from
where she is going to get her next meal or a change of cloth.
She is now on her own to fend for herself in this cruel world. Can she
cope with this challenge? Do we have the capacity to help her through?
There are thousands of young children like her, children who have lost
their limbs along with their parents. There are fathers who are still
searching the debris for their children. Women weeping for their
husbands. There are many men of means who have been rendered completely
destitute and do not know how to provide for their dear and near ones.
Hospitals, relief camps, roadside shelters are overflowing with
seriously injured but unclaimed children, women and men. Most school and
college buildings are in ruin with most teachers and students buried
under the debris. This is the state of affairs in a country where nearly
40 per cent of the people are already living below the poverty line,
where an un-estimated number of women and children live on alms, where
health cover is so poor that thousands die because they cannot even get
clean drinking water let alone a doctor or a hospital bed. To this
population another at least about three million has been added.
The plans being announced almost on daily basis by the government for
reconstruction and rehabilitation are heart warming. But if one were to
go through all the plans and development programmes the governments in
this country have announced year after year and then compared these
promises with the reality on the ground one would surely find it
impossible to give any credence to the latest promises.
Therefore, sustained efforts at the level of the world, especially the
rich world led and coordinated by the UN is needed to overcome the short
and long term reconstruction and rehabilitation challenges. And it would
help immensely on many fronts if the armies deployed on the opposing
sides of the LoC were to jointly underpin these efforts with the
administrative structure across the affected region. It would have
helped reduce the tragedies considerably if the two countries had
allowed each other’s armies to cross over to the other side of the LoC
to save lives and provide relief.
The speed with which the Pakistani nation responded to the tragedy
defies words. It appeared as if people from Karachi to Khyber stood up
like one and marched towards stricken regions with whatever relief goods
they could carry. Within 24 hours many were in Muzzafarabad and Balakot
doing whatever they could do to alleviate the suffering. The rescue and
relief specialists from all over the world were also on the spot in no
time from Islamabad’s Margallah towers which had collapsed at the first
jolt of the earthquake to Azad Kashmir’s capital and Mansehra’s ravaged
towns. And relief goods rescue equipment and cash started pouring in
immediately.
Earthquakes do not announce their arrivals. No matter how prepared you
are for such calamities, you are always caught by surprise when they
strike with all their fury. But then when you are fighting a war for
over 50 years in the region, when you have 100,000 troops stationed in
the locality with all the paraphernalia like earth movers, bridge making
equipment and mobile hospitals, tinned food and thousands of tents to
cope with all kinds of emergencies and have also been trained to meet
natural calamities like earthquakes why has it taken the Pakistani Army
to respond to the disaster longer than even the world and the local
media persons some of whom reached the affected locations within 24
hours?
The President in his address to the nation on Wednesday indicated that
the army stationed in Azad Kashmir was also seriously affected. But his
spokesman Major General Shuakat Sultan while denying that the Indian
Army personnel had crossed over to Pakistani side of the LoC to help
rebuild a bunker claimed that Pakistani bunkers were artillery proof.
Another question is why did it take almost five days for the Army to
reach Balakot when one can feel its presence all over Pakistan as
cantonments are spread over the country at short distances.
These questions are being asked not because the people of Pakistan had
expected the Army to accomplish miracles, but because the Army itself
had with its rhetoric over the last 50 years created the fiction of its
omnipotence. It, however, accomplished a political miracle though, by
exploiting the tragedy to get the NWFP chief minister to attend a
belated National Security Council meeting. This gives a face saver to
the MMA and allows its leader Maulana Fazlur Rehman an opening to attend
the next meeting of the NSC which the religious alliance had been
opposing since its inception terming it as being a supra constitutional
body.
The challenge of Balakot
Pervez Hoodbhoy
Along with
a group of faculty, staff and students from my university in Islamabad,
I journeyed to Balakot, close to the centre of the Kashmir earthquake.
This mountainous town, situated on the banks of the Kunhar River, has
been destroyed. There is rubble and the gut-wrenching smell of decaying
corpses. The rats have it good; the one I accidentally stepped upon was
already fat. If there is a plan to clear the concrete rubble in and
around the town, nobody seems to have any clue. But the Balakotis are
taking it in their stride — nose masks are everywhere.
But there is good news. We were just one of countless groups of ordinary
citizens that were on the move after the enormity of last Saturday’s
earthquake became apparent. The Mansehra to Balakot road, finally forced
open by huge army bulldozers, is now lined with relief trucks bursting
with supplies that were donated by people from across the country. This
is one of those rare times that I have seen Pakistan’s people feel and
move together as a nation. Even the armed bandits who waylay relief
supplies — making necessary a guard of soldiers with automatic weapons,
standing every few hundred yards — cannot destroy this moment.
Islamic groups from across the country have also arrived. Some bring
relief supplies; others simply harangue those who have lost loved ones
and livelihoods, lecturing that their misdeeds brought about this
catastrophe. None seem to have an explanation for why God’s wrath was
especially directed to mosques, madrassas, and schools — all of which
collapsed in huge numbers. None say why thousands of the faithful have
been buried alive in this sacred month of fasting.
Aid from across the world is making its way towards the destruction, and
the US is here too. Double bladed Chinook helicopters, diverted from
fighting Al Qaeda in Afghanistan, now fly over the heartland of jihad
and the militant training camps in Mansehra to drop food and tents a few
miles beyond. Temporarily birds of peace instead of war, they do
immensely more to calm angry Islamists than the reams of glossy
propaganda put out by the US information services in Pakistan.
Their visibility makes relief choppers terrific propaganda, for good or
for worse. This is undoubtedly why the Pakistani government refused an
Indian offer to send in helicopters for relief work in and around
Muzzafarabad, the flattened capital of Pakistani-administered Kashmir.
Sadly, in spite of a much celebrated peace process, Pakistan refuses
visas to Indian peace groups and activists that seek to help in the
relief effort. It is still not too late to open this door and let
Pakistanis, Indians and Kashmiris help each other.
The challenges are many. The aid remains too little. There are not
enough tents, blankets, and warm clothes to go around. Hundreds of tent
clusters have come up, but thousands of families remain out under the
skies, facing rain and hail, and with dread in their hearts. These
families have lost everything but the tattered clothes on their backs.
Some even lost the land they had lived upon for generations — the top
soil simply slid away, leaving behind hard rock and rubble.
Worst of all, aid is not reaching those most affected. Hundreds of
destroyed communities are scattered deep in the mountains. We saw
helicopters attempt aerial drops; landing is impossible in most places.
But people told us that they often miss and the supplies land up
thousands of feet or below in deep forests. Distribution is haphazard
and uncoordinated, done with little thought. We saw relief workers throw
packets of food and clothes from the top of trucks, causing a riot.
Hustlers thrive, the weak watch passively.
The clock is ticking. In two months, the mountains will get their first
snowfall and temperatures will plummet below zero. Millions may have
been made homeless. Those without shelter will die. Tents will not do.
From a special university fund, we pledged to rebuild the homes of a
dozen families. But ten-thousand or more families will need homes in the
Mansehra-Balakot-Kaghan area alone, not to speak of adjoining Kashmir.
The task of saving lives has barely begun. For me personally, there is a
sense of deja vu. Nearly 31 years ago, on Dec. 25, 1974, a powerful
earthquake flattened towns along the Karakorum Highway and killed nearly
10,000 people. I travelled with a university team into the same
mountains for similar relief work. Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto
had made a passionate appeal for funds around the world, had taken a
token helicopter trip to the destroyed town of Besham, and then made
fantastic promises of relief and rehabilitation.
Hundreds of millions of dollars in relief funds received from abroad
mysteriously disappeared. Some well-informed people believe that those
funds were used to kick off Pakistan’s secret nuclear programme. Will
today’s government do better? This will only be assured if citizens
organise themselves to play a more direct role in relief and
rehabilitation for the long term. Civil society groups must now assert
themselves. They must demand a voice in planning and implementing the
reconstruction effort and, along with international donors, transparency
and public auditing of where aid is spent.
The geopolitics of disasters
Patrick Seale
The terrible Pakistan earthquake has added greatly to the woes of the
Muslim world. Quite apart from the incalculable human misery it has
caused with more than 35,000 killed, hundreds of thousands wounded and
2.5 million made homeless in Pakistan-held Kashmir it has tilted the
balance of power on the subcontinent ever more firmly in favour of India
and robbed the Arabs of a once-powerful ally. Pakistan has been weakened
for a generation. All its energies must henceforth be directed at
reconstruction. Not only must it rebuild Pakistan-administered Kashmir
where hundreds of villages have been razed from the map and not a single
town has been left standing. It must also deal with the tens of
thousands of Kashmiris who are trekking south into Pakistan in search of
food, shelter and medical care.
Pakistan will need massive amounts of aid in the billions of dollars,
not just in the tens of millions to cope with these enormous challenge
and try to get back on its feet. Pakistan has contributed manpower to
building the prosperity of the Arab Gulf. It has also, in the not so
distant past, sent troops to the defence of Saudi Arabia. It is the only
Muslim power to possess nuclear weapons. It is in the interest of the
Arab Gulf states and of Saudi Arabia to dig deep in their pockets and
help Pakistan recover as quickly as possible. Now is also the time for
the international community to pressure both India and Pakistan to
settle their long-standing dispute over Kashmir, which over the past
half century has bequeathed a ghastly legacy of poverty, divided
families, terrorism, military atrocities and war.
Reconstruction must serve to end the misery of the Kashmiris and produce
an honourable settlement in which neither India nor Pakistan can claim
victory but from which both would greatly benefit. The earthquake which
devastated Kashmir was the result of a clash between two tectonic plates
along a fault line on the earth’s crust. This was a natural disaster,
which was no doubt made worse by poor planning and by the flimsy
structures in which most Kashmiris lived. Iraq, in contrast, is the
victim of a wholly man-made disaster, but with equally far-reaching
geopolitical consequences. The American and British occupation of the
past 30 months has killed tens of thousands of Iraqis, shattered the
state, and torn the country apart on ethnic and confessional lines.
History is likely to judge it to be a great crime, equal to the
dispossession and destruction of the Palestinian people by Israel. It is
one more disreputable episode in Western imperial history, not unlike
the carve-up by Britain and France of the Arab provinces of the Ottoman
Empire after the First World War. The question now is whether Iraq can
ever be put together again as a viable state.
Severe blow
The blow to Arab interests and to Arab security is severe, since Iraq,
which has traditionally been the guardian of the eastern frontier of the
Arab world, can no longer serve as a counterweight to Iran. Just as the
Pakistan earthquake has shifted the balance of power on the subcontinent
in favour of India, so the destruction of Iraq has shifted the balance
of power in favour of Iran. It has also given a boost to the Shiite sect
in Islam, causing the Sunnis considerable concern. Instead of uniting
the country, the constitution on which Iraqis voted in a referendum on
Saturday has polarised the country on ethnic and sectarian lines. The
Kurds dream of secession; the Shiite political parties seek more power
for themselves regardless of the interests of others; while the Sunni
minority fights to protect what little influence it has left. In the
absence of a national consensus, the slide to civil war is likely to
continue leading to the violent break-up of the country.
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