Fundamentalism, terrorism,
democracy & Islam
Salah Uddin Shoaib
Since the last decade of the
last century and particularly since 9/11, professional and column
writings on fundamentalism, terrorism, and Islam have increased
manifold. The US 9/11 Commission Report has dealt with Islam as a faith
and traced its history back to the early days. With 1.4 billion strong
followers worldwide and increasing, Islam is a world religion. It is the
second largest faith in Europe and North America. Therefore it cannot be
ignored.
But Islam is a misunderstood religion: misunderstood by Muslims and
non-Muslims alike. For this misunderstanding, practising Muslims are
largely to be blamed, because they have failed in their primary
responsibility to represent Islam.
Islam cannot be equated with fundamentalism. The origin and growth of
fundamentalism has been described by the New Encyclopedia Britannica
thus: “[A] conservative movement in American Protestantism arising out
of the millenarian movement of the 19th century and emphasizing as
fundamental to Christianity the literal interpretation and absolute
inerrancy of the Scriptures, Fundamentalism came into its own in the
early 20th century in opposition to the modernist tendencies in American
religious and secular life. The roots of fundamentalism are found in the
history of the American millenarian movement.”
Certainly Islam has its own fundamental principles (which every religion
has), and recognises the Bible to be a divine scripture (which in the
last two millennia have been distorted beyond recognition), but the
principles of Islam cannot be equated with Christianity (although there
are similarities). In any event, and as its history suggests,
fundamentalism is based on Christianity, and not on Islam. Islam is a
very wide culture and flexible enough to accommodate new ideas, new
thoughts, and new developments. It is therefore fundamentally wrong to
equate Islam with fundamentalism.
Equally wrong is to equate Islam with extremism. Extremism means “being
situated at the furthest possible point from the centre.” Islam stands
for moderation and recommends moderation and balance in belief, in
worship, in conduct, in international relations, in war and peace.
Muslims are by definition moderate. “You have been created as a moderate
nation to be a witness for truth for mankind.” (The Quran 2:143). In the
long 23 years of the Prophet’s prophetic life he followed the middle
path: the path of moderation. He went for the soft option, if one was
available. He brought far-reaching changes in the social, political,
cultural, economic, and spiritual life of Arabia but those changes were
brought gradually and constitutionally.
One example: There were 360 idols in the House of God, the K’aba. From
day one of his Prophethood, he had been preaching the oneness of God,
and speaking uncompromisingly against those 360 false gods. His
followers were prepared to do everything for him and for his cause. No
sacrifice was too big. It was, therefore perfectly possible for him to
organise a commando style attack on K’aba in an attempt to get rid of
those gods. He was nowhere near that. On the contrary he prayed in the
K’aba for long 13 years and waited for long 21 years — until the
conquest of Makkah — when he, as head of the state, promulgated a decree
to clear the House of God from false gods. Thus, finally, the cleansing
was carried out constitutionally.
This is not to deny the existence of extremists in the name of Islam.
There are. The July bombings in London and the August bombings in
Bangladesh are recent examples. But extremists in the Muslim community
are a very tiny minority and do not represent Islam. Any attempt,
therefore, to equate Islam with extremism, and Islamists with extremists
is wrong.
There are fears that if ‘Political Islam’ dominates a country —
Bangladesh for example — it would cease to be a democracy. People will
lose their right to dissent. And a theocratic state would be established
“based on medieval legal and social practices and jurisprudence of Islam
of yore.”
First, there is no such thing as “political Islam” and “spiritual
Islam.” Islam is a complete code of life: a guidance for humanity. The
fundamental objective of an Islamic government is to secure political,
economic, and social justice for its citizens.
For example, under the present Bangladesh constitution, it is perfectly
possible to transform Bangladesh into a modern welfare state based on
the principles and values of Islam, and hardly any amendment would be
necessary.
Therefore these fears are unfounded and may have been based on the
examples of certain states which practice autocracy in the name of
Islam. Second, separation of powers, independence of judiciary,
constitutional guarantee for fundamental rights, freedom of speech, and
above all, rule of law, are the corner stones of an Islamic
constitution. Those are not mere slogans. Those principles were
practised by the Caliphs of Islam. In modern constitutions, the head of
the state is normally given immunity from prosecution. But the rightly
guided Caliphs did not enjoy such immunity.
The fourth Caliph Hazrat Ali (RA) appeared before a court of law in
Medina and lost the suit for recovery of his shield from the defendant —
a native Christian — because of insufficiency of evidence. Does it not
conclusively prove the independence of the judiciary when the Chief
Executive of a country lost his case for want of evidence in a
proceedings in which he himself was a witness? Think of the Masdar
Hossain case in Bangladesh: the Supreme Court’s 19-point directions for
separation of the judiciary has remained unimplemented for long six
years despite its own supervision and proceedings for contempt of court.
The most important fundamental right is the right to life. Was the
second Caliph Hazrat Omar (RA) not on record to say, when famine broke
out in Arabia — that if a child died on the bank of Euphrates for want
of food, “I fear I may be held responsible before my Lord, the
Almighty”? At dead of night was he not found to carry on his back food
to the house of an old lady? Was he not prevented by an ordinary citizen
from delivering Friday sermon before he explained to the members of the
public the source of availability of cloths for his long gown? Are these
not supreme examples of transparency and accountability? Was it not in
his time that because of fewer crimes on the street, the primary duty of
the police force was to ensure that traders use proper scales for
measurement and camels were not overloaded? 1400 years ago even animal
rights were protected, yet today the world is witnessing the worst
violations of human rights in Abu Gharib and Guantanomo Bay.
It is often said Islamists want “one man one vote for one time only.”
This allegation has no substance. Certainly there are certain
differences between western democracy and Islamic democracy. Under the
latter it would be beyond the powers of parliament to pass legislation
to legalise single sex marriage, for example. But representative
government is the basic feature of an Islamic democracy. No one has the
right to lead unless he or she is an elected representative. During the
time of the rightly guided Caliphs, democracy was not institutionalised,
ballot boxes were not in use, but all four of them were elected through
consultation.
It is said that Islam does not recognise the rights of women. The world
knows very well that women got the right to vote in Germany in 1919, US
1920, UK 1928, France 1944, and Switzerland 1971. But in 7th century
Arabia, women played an important role in the decision making process.
One incident was of highest constitutional importance. In a Friday
sermon, the Second Caliph fixed the upper limit of the dower, arguing
that this would stop the abuse of the system. One woman from the back
bench protested: “Omar! This is beyond your jurisdiction. What has not
been fixed by God himself, you have no power to do so.” Instantly Hazrat
Omar accepted the protest and did not proceed any further. Without that
lone protest by that woman — (history did not record her name because
she was not notable) — the Caliph’s word would have been the law of the
land enforceable through law courts.
This single incident speaks volumes about the rights of women in Islam,
freedom of speech, women’s role in making legislations and state affairs
and the executive’s eagerness to uphold the principles of rule of law
and constitutionalism. Critics may tend to dismiss incidents like these
as trivial and representing only the generous minds of the rulers of the
day, but these are the constitutional precedents which would bind all
Islamic governments for all time to come.
Solving Kashmir imbroglio
Marya Mufti
Since
independence from British yoke, Kashmir issue has remained unresolved.
This issue triggered past wars and India-Pakistan military stand-off
(operation Parakaram costing India about Rs 74 crore). Even today, this
dispute is a dangerous causus belli between nuclear-capable India and
Pakistan. The main reason for non-resolution of this issue is India’s
obdurate policy on inseparability (Atoot-Ang-ness) of Kashmir. Prolonged
non-resolution of the Kashmir issue triggered nuclear arms race between
India and Pakistan. International community regards Kashmir issue as a
power keg or flashpoint. Analysts have offered the following options
(besides armed struggle) to solve the Kashmir issue: (a) Plebiscite to
be held after five to 10 years after putting Kashmir under UN
trusteeship. (b) Division of Kashmir along the present Line of Control
with or without some local adjustments to facilitate the local
population (as desired by India and some Western powers). (c)Independent
Muslim-majority areas (for instance tehsils of Rajouri, Poonch and Uri)
with Hindu-majority areas merged in India. (d) Permutations and
combinations of the above options.
Given India’s sincerity, Pakistan’s President is rightly confident to
find a solution, any solution within the framework of stated positions
or beyond, of the Kashmir tangle President Musharraf’s interview with
Reuters December 18, 2003 and talk at an iftar dinner at Islamabad on
October 25, 2004 express his open mindedness. He suggested that India
and Pakistan should consider the option of identifying some regions of
Kashmir on both sides of the Line of Control, demilitarise them and
grant them the status of independence or joint control or under UN
mandate.
Agreement on the Aland Islands between Finland and Sweden offers
guidance on how to solve the Kashmir tangle. Aland’ international accord
settled the territorial dispute on the basis of the status quo. Any
settlement of the Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan requires a
guaranteed special status for both halves of the State of Jammu and
Kashmir. Aland problem was solved as Finland was sincere, unlike India
as concerns the Kashmir issue. When the dispute with Sweden arose after
the First World War, Finland’s Parliament passed an autonomy law on May
6, 1920, for Aland. The aim was to strengthen Swedish stance before
world opinion. The people of Aland demanded a plebiscite to determine
their fate, whether accession to any disputants or secession from them.
The League of Nations’ Rapporteurs ruled in favour of Finland. But they
suggested Aland’s secession could be avoided by offering her iron-clad
guarantees of autonomy.
The proposed guarantees related to proprietary rights of the natives,
voting rights of immigrants and nomination of a governor who enjoyed
trust of the Alandian people. By contrast, governors in occupied Kashmir
continued to be superimposed on Kashmir by India’s central governments
without consent of Kashmiris. New Delhi never trusted even its stooges
in Srinagar. A few more words about how concerns of Alandian people were
catered for_The Accord of June 27, 1921, included seven points as
Finland’s guarantee for ‘the preservation of the language, culture’ and
local Swedish traditions of the people. It provided for six precise
guarantees to its Autonomy Law: (a) The Islands would not be under
obligation to support schools in which the language of instruction was
not Swedish. Schools established by Finland would teach Swedish also.
The Finnish language would not be taught in State-aided primary schools
except with the permission of the commune. (b) Curbs will be imposed on
transfer of land to persons not domiciled in the islands. Finnish
immigrants would acquire voting rights only after five years of legal
domicile. (c) The Governor would be nominated by the President of
Finland in agreement with the President of Aland’s Assembly (Landsting).(d)In
the event of disagreement, the President would select a person from a
panel of five persons nominated by the Landsting. (e) The isles would be
entitled to use 50 per cent of their revenues for their needs. (f)The
Council of the League of Nations shall watch over the application of
these guarantees. Finland would forward complaints from the Landsting to
the Council, with its (Finnish) observations, regarding the application
of the guarantee. The Council would consult the Permanent Court of
International Justice at The Hague ‘in any case where the question is of
a juridical nature’ (International Treaties and Documents Concerning
Aland Islands 1856-1992; page 23).
Look at bona fide compliance of the guarantees by Finland. She proceeded
immediately to include the above guarantees in her domestic law by
enacting the Guarantee Act passed on August 11, 1922. The Act
supplemented and amended the Law of 1920. Finland’s good faith is
conspicuous from two more facts: (a) The Law not only incorporated the
guarantees almost verbatim, but also added one more guarantee- the
decisive Alandian veto: ‘This law shall be neither amended, clarified,
or repealed, nor shall exceptions to the law be made except with the
approval of the Aland Landsting and in accordance with the procedure
prescribed for the enactment of constitutional legislation. Compare
Finnish attitude with treacherous mutilation of Section 370 of Indian
Constitution by India. (b) Finland enacted two more Autonomy Laws, one
on December 28, 1951, and another on August 16, 1991 (enforceable from
January 1, 1993).
India had wiser legal/constitutional experts than Finland or Sweden.
But, unfortunately, the Indian government utilised their legal acumen
with mischievous and mala fide intentions. The result is that Kashmiris
hate India. The afore-mentioned 1991 law, now in force, has removed the
ambiguities in the 1951 law. Now, it is the Alanders: (a) Who select the
governor under section 52 (Helsinki rubber stamps the appointment). (b)Aland
uses its own flag and coat of arms. Aland has been using its own flag
since 1954. (c)Under section 28, no law can be enforced in Aland
concerning ‘the principles governing the right of a private person to
own real property or business property in Aland without the consent of
the Legislative Assembly.’(d) Swedish is used in communications between
Aland and State officials based on the Islands. (e) The Autonomy Act can
be amended ‘only by consistent decisions of Parliament of Finland and
the Legislative Assembly” of Aland. Under Section 33, the government of
Aland has to be consulted by the Finnish government before issuing
directions on matters that concern Aland.
On October 16, 1994, Finland voted in a referendum to join the E.U. by a
51.9 per cent majority. Aland followed suit on November 20 by a 73.6 per
cent majority. No coercion. Aland joined EU voluntarily. Amendments were
made to the Autonomy Law on December 31, 1994, giving the Islands the
right to ‘formulate the national position of Finland relating to the
application of Common Policy of the European Union in Aland’.
The thorny question of division of powers between Helsinki and Mariehamn
is well settled. Nuclear energy is a state subject. Aland has a right to
veto construction of a nuclear power plant on its soil. ‘Public order
and security’ belong to Aland as do ‘the postal service and the right to
broadcast by radio of cable in Aland’. The 1996 law covers state radio
and television. All textbooks on international law recount the Aland
case. Will the Indian government go through it to understand the spirit
that made Aland a success story? The spiritual key to Aland’s solution
was sincerity.
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