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ÿþEgypt s Brotherhood raises stakes by excluding the IMF

Patrick Werr



In all but ruling out an early agreement on an IMF loan, Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood has dramatically raised the stakes in its struggle with the army-led administration for control of a country still reeling from a year of political turmoil.


The Brotherhood’s candidate for president, Khairat Al-Shater, said this week the group would not accept an International Monetary Fund loan unless its terms were changed or a new government was formed to monitor how it is spent, demands that almost certainly won’t be met.


Even without a loan before the presidential election in May and June, whoever comes to power will be forced, sooner or later, to impose hugely unpopular taxes and cuts in government spending to reduce budget and balance of payments deficits inflated by a year of political and economic turmoil. But any delay in securing a loan brings closer the prospect of a fully fledged fiscal crisis that would mean a jump in consumer prices and interest rates, a sharp devaluation and huge pressure on banks.


It’s a game of brinkmanship in which the Brotherhood might be first to yield to avoid inheriting an economy in tatters, fearing it will end up taking the blame for painful measures that the current government has repeatedly delayed. The country’s transition to civilian rule will culminate at the end of June, when the military hands power to a newly elected president for whom the economy will be a top priority. In the 14 months since the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak, Egypt’s army-backed government has been supporting the economy largely by drawing down reserves and borrowing from domestic banks, with interest rates having risen to historic highs as funds grow tighter.


The government has spent more than $20 billion in foreign reserves to prop up the currency since last year’s uprising. Reserves fell by another $600 million in March to $15.12 billion, equivalent to less than three months worth of imports.


Economists warn that with foreign reserves running low, the country risks a disorderly devaluation of the currency unless it secures new sources of funding. A political or economic shock could increase pressure on the pound if it prompted people to switch funds out of pounds and into dollars. “If the IMF deal falls through, then the likelihood of foreign capital returning to Egypt will diminish and there will be no let-up in the pressure on the currency,” said HSBC economist Simon Williams. Barring shocks, the country should have a big enough financial cushion to see it through for at least three months, until an elected government is installed with a popular mandate to push through an IMF agreement.


The IMF, however, has demanded broad political support before it signs any agreement, in particular from the Muslim Brotherhood, whose Freedom and Justice Party won nearly half the seats in the new Parliament.


Shater said he was not opposed to a deal in principle, but only to the plan to disburse part of it while the army-backed transitional government remained in power. He said the Brotherhood might accept an IMF deal if the loan’s first installment was reduced to $500 million from the current plan of paying out more than $1 billion immediately upon signing.


Economists say the central bank still has enough foreign reserves to hold on well past the presidential election without having to devalue the pound. “Capital flight has already taken place, and that’s going to leave the central bank having to cover a shortfall of around $600-750 million a month from here on,” said Williams, who estimated the government could hold out for another six months.


But other economists warn that an outbreak of political violence could provoke capital flight and disrupt tourism, which has yet to recover since last year’s uprising. Similarly, a spike in oil prices could drive up the cost of imported fuel. The next three months hold potential political minefields, including the increasingly polarized presidential election, a heated battle over the wording of a new constitution and the verdict in the politically charged trial of Mubarak, which is due to be read out on June 2. Any resulting drain on dollars could exhaust the ability of the central bank to defend the pound, which it has allowed to weaken by only 3.5 percent against the US dollar since the uprising.


“Failure to secure help from the IMF would make a disorderly devaluation more likely. In this scenario, the pound could overshoot, falling by perhaps 50 percent or more against the US dollar,” Said Hirsh of Capital Economics wrote in an April 5 research note.


“The costs to the economy would be severe. This is likely to lead to a spike in inflation, sharp hikes in interest rates, a potential banking crisis and rapid fall in asset prices.” The government has been searching for ways to earn foreign exchange to take the pressure off its reserves.


In November it began selling one-year treasury bills denominated in US dollars, an instruments that has now raised a total $4.75 billion, and on March 24 it began selling parcels of residential land to Egyptians living abroad, a measure it hopes will eventually earn it $2.5 billion. It also wants to sell $1 billion in certificates of deposit to Egyptians living abroad, but the plan has been delayed by technical problems over their issue in one Gulf country, the planning minister said last week.


Another option would be to implement capital controls to block major shifts in funds. One currency trader said rising concerns that the currency is headed toward a devaluation has dried up the trade in Egyptian non-deliverable forward (NDFs).


“The NDF market is totally broken. Hardly anything trades now,” said the trader said. “There is no confidence in a remedy or timing of it, so no one is providing liquidity.” “The large majority of players believe that it’s all but inevitable that the currency will go unless there is a serious action plan, so why bother selling US dollars further than three months?”—AN


 
Obama and Hillary

Wayne Madsen



In a law suit largely ignored by the corporate media that had political ramifications far beyond charges of defamation, Daniel Parisi, a website operator who claimed that Larry Sinclair, author of a book that alleges that President Obama had engaged twice in homosexual trysts, had libeled Parisi, has voluntarily dismissed all charges against Sinclair; his publisher, Sinclair publishing; Jeff Rense, a radio show host who wrote the foreword to Sinclair's book; and Sinclair's book distributors, Ingram Content Group and Lightning Sources, Inc. The request for dismissal of the complaint against Sinclair and his publishing arm was made to the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia and the request for dismissal of the complaints against Rense and the distributors was made to both the U.S. Court and the U.S. Court of Appeals for D.C.


The decision effectively ends an appeal process by Parisi; his websites Whitehouse.com, Whitehouse Networks Inc, and Whitehouse Networks; and his Patton Boggs attorneys of the February 28, 2012, decision of U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia Richard Leon dismissing the case against Sinclair, Rense, Sinclair's book sellers, and his book distributors. Had the appeals process continued, oral arguments would have been scheduled for September and October of this year, a few weeks before the presidential election.


In 2008, when Sinclair first made his allegations about Obama's past homosexual activity known to the public, the Hillary Clinton campaign made contact with Sinclair during the primary seeking further details. WMR was told that a scenario of mutually-assured destruction was laid down by the Obama campaign to Clinton campaign senior staffers: if the Clinton people brought up the gay issue with Obama, they would respond with past lesbian accusations against Mrs. Clinton.


This year, the fact that Sinclair has managed to defeat one of Washington's most powerful and politically-connected law firms, Patton Boggs, by arguing his case pro se, means that the Romney campaign may have seen the festering allegations against Obama as a weak point to be exploited. The dismissal of the original complaint and appeals against Sinclair et al obviously has the White House hoping the "gay issue" with Obama will simply "go away."—OM



 
Bangladesh: where women lead the way

Bettina Wassener



To many outsiders, Bangladesh is best known for its poverty and the natural disasters that hit it with depressing regularity. When it comes to the position of women, however, this country has made progress that would be unthinkable in many other Muslim societies. Bangladeshi women have served in UN peacekeeping missions. There are women ambassadors, doctors, engineers and pilots. Two powerful women – the prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, and her political rival, Khaleda Zia – have been alternating at the country’s helm for years. The proportion of parliamentary seats held by women is 19.7 per cent, not much lower than the 22.3 per cent in the British House of Commons.


Such efforts by successive governments and development organisations have led to major improvements in the lives of women across the country, with expanded access to health care and basic education in rural and urban areas. Decades of microlending and, more recently, the burgeoning garment sector have underpinned the progress by turning millions of women into breadwinners for their families.


Nur Jahan, who lives in Someshpur, a ramshackle village of about 1,000 people, illustrates how tough life remains for many Bangladeshi women, but also how many women’s lives are transforming. Jahan’s husband abandoned her, penniless and in rags, on the main square of Someshpur when she was pregnant with her second child about 10 years ago. A compact and vivacious woman who is about 26 years old, Jahan spent years doing odd jobs for other households to keep herself and her children above water. In a country that ranks as one of the poorest in the world, she was about as low as it is possible to get.


Then, two years ago, luck finally arrived, in the form of a development project that arranged for women who had been widowed or left by their husbands to get jobs maintaining roads in the vicinity. The project, funded by the European Union and the UN Development Programme, and implemented with the assistance of local governments, helped about 24,400 women like Jahan across Bangladesh.


For two years, they cleared shrubs and smoothed surfaces. They were paid 100 taka, or about $1.20, a day. But the savings they accumulated allowed many of them to buy a plot of land or a humble dwelling. In addition, they were taught to start tiny businesses that should allow them to make a living going forward.


Jahan now makes and sells compost, and trades dried fish. Others in the village sell wood, cookies or stationery for a slim profit. One became the proud owner of a hand loom. Instead of being destitute, these women are now merely poor. They can afford to eat and to send their children to school.


Jahan hopes to run for a local government position in a few years. Already, people come to her for help, she explained proudly. Before, they would have hardly looked at her.


Statistics, too, underline the improvement in women’s lives. The number of births by teenage mothers, for example, plummeted to 78.9 per 1,000 in 2010 from 130.5 in 2000. That is still high by Western standards (the figure for the United States is 41.2), but it is below the 86.3 recorded in India.


Fewer babies die in Bangladesh than in India: 52 out of 1,000, compared with 66 in India and 87 in Pakistan. And population growth has been stemmed.


The progress comes despite the toughest of backdrops. Over all, Bangladesh ranks 146th of 187 countries on an index measuring human development compiled by the UNDP – ahead of Myanmar and many African countries but behind Iraq. Nearly one-third of the population lives in poverty. Corruption, red tape and poor infrastructure mar everyday life. Access to clean water and electricity is scarce in the villages that dot the flat landscape of the country, whose 160 million inhabitants squeeze into an area smaller than Florida and larger than Greece.


Conservative traditions are deeply enshrined in this country, where about 70 per cent of the population lives in the countryside. There are frequent reports of domestic violence, often related to demands for dowry payments. And many women who have achieved top leadership positions owe their prominence in part to powerful male relatives.


But while women in many other Muslim nations are seeing their rights eroded by the rise of conservative Islamism, this is not the case in Bangladesh. Extremism is a fringe phenomenon, and women’s development projects encounter little religious opposition.


The country is predominantly Muslim, but moderate; Buddhist and Hindu traditions are widely respected, and there is a widespread acceptance of the concept that women can work outside the home. Microlending, which took off in the 1980s, has allowed many women to start tiny businesses over the years.


On the education front, men still outnumber women in universities. But the number of women enrolling has risen steadily.—IHT


 
Quantum Note: Price of PAKGLOC

Dr. Muzaffar Iqbal



They are becoming more desperate by the day and with their desperation comes greater pressure on those who can provide a safe corridor to approximately 130,000 soldiers, 70,000 vehicles and 120,000 containers of war-time heavy equipment out of Afghanistan. Logistics and hard economic considerations dictate that the corridor must be shortest possible route to sea, it should not involve too many changes in modes of transport (rail, road, air), and it must be cheap.


One does not have to be a genius to calculate that PAKGLOC (“PAKistan Ground Lines of Communication”) is the cheapest option. The only other option, the so-called Northern Distribution Network (NDN) is a 3,100 mile network of sea routes, roads and rails, which is more than twice as expensive, requires four times longer travel time under best conditions and, most of all, it is fraught with political and physical risks as it involves nine countries: Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Latvia, Estonia and Russia.


Yet, all is not lost for NATO, at least not yet. NATO, or more specifically, the United States, knows that Pakistan will, sooner or later, open its land route, they have enough horses on the ground to win this race. The question is of who is betting and how much. And, then, they also have another option in their plan B. (There must always be a plan B!) It is this plan B that has recently seen diplomatic traffic moving toward Central Asian Republics, the closing of eyes on terrible human rights issues in these republics, and even granting of several concessions.


Britain is most aggressive in exploring an alternate route. Its Defence Secretary, Philip Hammond, signed an over-flight access deal with Kazakhstan on Feb. 27, 2012 and the two sides agreed to start negotiations on a land transit arrangement. The British defense secretary then visited neighboring Uzbekistan on Feb 28 for similar discussions on the land route north. Nick Harvey, British armed forces minister, also visited Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan in early March for further discussions.


In a way, there is nothing new in this: Britain and several other NATO members already have access to Afghanistan through Uzbekistan. The route also passes through Russia and takes an average of nearly 60 days. The trouble is that this route costs, on an average, $17,500 per container, as compared to $7,200 which has so far been the average cost of shipping a container via Pakistan in less than a quarter of that time.


The cost factor becomes significant if one considers the total of containers that need to leave Afghanistan and the time frame in which they need to leave. In addition, there is the added danger of Taliban attacks once a majority of NATO soldiers are airlifted.


NATO does not want to leave behind anything too dangerous, as everyone knows that whatever military hardware left behind will fall in the hands of the Taliban, sooner rather than later. NATO also does not want to arm the so-called Afghan Army, more than the bare basics, for the same reason. None of the European countries have unlimited budgets for Afghanistan and the American economy is not doing well either.


Thus, the days of “a billion here or a billion there” are really over and it now all boils down to dollars and cents per container. It is this time-sensitive logistic issue that is moving so many players in this game in both the Central Asian Republics and more so in Islamabad and Rawalpindi.


There are enough sold-out decision makers around, but it is now the twenty-first century, a post-modern, post-colonial, post-everything world where there are no permanent alliances and no permanent friendships. There are only permanent interests. There are no principles left in any domain of human interaction and certainly none in international politics. Thus, the terrible dictator of Uzbekistan, who massacred and literally boiled his opponents in 2005, is no more so terrible and the Western diplomats are warming up to his cold dictates. NATO leadership is orchestrating public turn around on its previous position on all of the “bad guys” of the region through selective amnesia and the lure of mega-lucrative contracts laced with underhanded money transfers to the right hands.


Thus, when Kyrgyzstan threatened to not renew the lease of its airbase to the US in its capital, Bishkek, the US Defense Secretary Leon Panetta promptly flew in. The Kyrgyzstan's Defense Council Secretary Busurmankul Tabaldiev started the meeting by publically saying that that after 2014 "there should be no military mission" at Manas, but by the end of the visit, a senior U.S. official traveling with Panetta told reporters on condition of anonymity that the United States hopes there will be some opportunities for additional negotiations to secure a longer-term contract for the use of Manas. The official said the U.S. administration also hopes to make the case that supporting the war effort in Afghanistan serves Kyrgyzstan's interests by boosting regional stability.


This is not the first time Kyrgyzstan has notched up pressure—and price: In 2009, President Almazbek Atambaev had also threatened to cancel U.S. access to the base; Washington then renegotiated and secured a new deal by agreeing to triple the rental payments to Bishkek. U.S. officials say the United States now pays $60 million a year for use of the airfield, up from an earlier annual fee of about $17 million.


More recently, Uzbekistan’s dictator, with whom the US had cut off relations in 2005 when he brutally suppressed an uprising, has been talking to President Obama; the Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and others were at his doorsteps and Clinton made a mega turn-around recently when she announced that “Uzbekistan has made progress on human rights issues and trade barriers will be lifted.”


Pakistani generals may have found a windfall in the attack on their soldiers, and they are certainly aware of the fact that they hold the prized route out of Afghanistan. Pakistan’s political leadership is, likewise, fully mature in bargaining; for once, the country is in the right hands!


Yet, it is not price that the political leadership is interested in; it is the next five year term, following elections in 2013, that is its main objective and a nod from the United States, along with the most sophisticated rigging apparatus now available, is what it is looking for.


There are signs that the ruling party may get what it wants as Zardari is becoming increasingly confident, as if he has the results of the next general election in his pocket; his recent aggressive statements betray that he is in his best bargaining mode. In addition, this week, the US ambassador has also met another old player in this dirty game and the man with the big beard and bottomless stomach has once again entered the game of big money.—OM


 
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